• Korean journal of food and cookery science
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.488-495
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• 2009

Pork cutlet is a favorite deep fat fried food item among Korean children, and an excellent protein-containing food, and as well as a simple and economical cuisine. However, the frying process adds a significant amount of calories. We added MC (Methylcellulose) and HPMC (Hydroxypropyl Methylcellulose) to the batter in an effort to reduce oil uptake in prepared pork cutlets. After additions of MC and HPMC at concentrations of 0.5, 1, and 1.5% respectively, we assessed the viscosity of batter, color after frying, the increases in moisture retention and oil uptake, and sensory characteristics, comparing each quality. The viscosity of batter with 0.5% HPMC added (w/w) was similar to that of the controls, but the viscosity of all the batter with added MC was so much higher that it was difficult to use the batter for coating at the same temperature, leading to a failure even to prepare a sample. After frying, the batter with added HPMC provided significantly less oil uptake and more moisture retention than the batter to which MC was added. Additionally, with regard to color and sensory characteristics, the pork cutlet with 0.5% added HPMC was superior to the other samples. According to these results, we concluded that when cellulose derivatives are added in order to reduce oil uptake and to raise the moisture retention of the batter of pork cutlet, HPMC is more useful in this regard than MC. Additionally, the batter with 0.5% HPMC added appears to be the best of the tested choices, for three reasons: first, the viscosity of the batter is similar to that of the controls; second, the taste is not greasy after frying as the result of the reduced oil uptake and higher moisture retention; and third, the sensory characteristics of this sample, such as, color, crispiness, and hardness were the best among samples.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.121-141
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• 2007

The outline and characteristics of the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai'(折衷派) are as follows. Part 1. In the late Edo(江戶) period The 'Zhe Zhong Pai', which tried to take the theory and clinical treatment of the 'Hou Shi Pai (後世派)' and the 'Gu Fang Pai (古方派)' and get their strong points to make treatments perfect, appeared. Their point was 'The main part is the art of the ancients, The latter prescriptions are to be used'(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用) and the "Shang Han Lun(傷寒論)" was revered for its treatments but in actual use it was not kept at that. As mentioned above The 'Zhe Zhong Pai ' viewed treatments as the base, which was the view of most doctors in the Edo period, However, the reason the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is not valued as much as the 'Gu Fang Pai' by medical history books in Japan is because the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' does not have the substantiation or uniqueness of the 'Gu Fang Pai', and also because the view of 'gather as well as store up' was the same as the 'Kao Zheng Pai', Moreover, the 'compromise'(折衷) point of view was from taking in both Chinese and western medical knowledge systems(漢蘭折衷), Generally the pioneer of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is seen as Mochizuki Rokumon(望月鹿門) and after that was Fukui Futei(福井楓亭), Wadato Kaku(和田東郭), Yamada Seichin(山田正珍) and Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), Part 2. The lives of Wada Tokaku(和田東郭), Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪), Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲), the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', are as follows First. Wada Tokaku(和田東郭, 1743-1803) was born when the 'Hou Shi Pai' was already declining and the 'Gu Fang Pai' was flourishing and learned medicine from a 'Hou Shi Pai' doctor, Hu Tian Xu Shan(戶田旭山) and a 'Gu Fang Pai' doctor, Yoshimasu Todo(吉益東洞). He was not hindered by 'the old ways(古方), and did not lean towards 'the new ways(後世方)' and formed a way of compromise that 'looked at hardness and softness as the same'(剛柔相摩) by setting 'the cure of the disease' as the base, and said that to cure diseases 'the old way' must be used, but 'the new way' was necessary to supplement its shortcomings. His works include "Dao Shui Suo Yan", "Jiao Chiang Fang Yi Je" and "Yi Xue Sho(醫學說)" Second. Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪, 1744-1833) was famous for leaving Yoshirnasu Todo(吉益東洞) and changing to the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and in his early years used qing fen(輕粉) to cure geisha(妓女) of syphilis. His argument was "the "Shang Han Lun" must be revered but needs to be adapted", "Zhong jing can be made into a follower but I cannot become his follower", "the later medical texts such as "Ru Men Shi Qin(儒門事親)" should only be used for its prescriptions and not its theories". His works include "Shang Han Lun Yue Yan(傷寒論約言) Third. Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲, 1701-1735) learned medicine from Qing Shui Xian Sheng(淸水先生) and went out to Edo. In his book "Yi Jing Jie Huo Lun(醫經解惑論)" he tells of how he went from 'learning'(學) to 'skepticism'(惑) and how skepticism made him learn in 'the six skepticisms'(六惑). In the latter years Xi Zhe(希哲) combines the "Shen Nong Ben Cao jing(神農本草經)", the main text for herbal medicine, "Ming Tang jing(明堂經)" of accupuncture, basic theory texts "Huang Dui Nei jing(黃帝內徑)" and "Nan jing(難經)" with the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun", a book that the 'Gu Fang Pai' saw as opposing to the rest, and became 'an expert of five scriptures'(五經一貫). Part 3. Asada Showhaku(淺田宗伯, 1815-1894) started medicine at Zhong Cun Zhong(中村中倧) and learned 'the old way'(古方) from Yoshirnasu Todo and got experience through Chuan Yue(川越) and Fu jing(福井) and received teachings in texts, history and Wang Yangmin's principles(陽明學) from famous teachers. Showhaku(宗伯) meets a medical official of the makufu(幕府), Ben Kang Zong Yuan(本康宗圓), and recieves help from the 3 great doctors of the Edo period, Taki Motokato(多紀元堅), Xiao Dao Xue GU(小島學古) and Xi Duo Cun Kao Chuang and further develops his arts. At 47 he diagnoses the general Jia Mao(家茂) with 'heart failure from beriberi'(脚氣衝心) and becomes a Zheng Shi(徵I), at 51 he cures a minister from France and received a present from Napoleon, at 65 he becomes the court physician and saves Ming Gong(明宮) jia Ren Qn Wang(嘉仁親王, later the 大正犬皇) from bodily convulsions and becomes 'the vassal of merit who saved the national polity(國體)' At the 7th year of the Meiji(明治) he becomes the 2nd owner of Wen Zhi She(溫知社) and takes part in the 'kampo continuation movement'. In his latter years he saw 14000 patients a year, so we can estimate the quality and quantity of his clinical skills Showhaku(宗伯) wrote over 80 books including the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窓書影)", "WU Wu Yao Shi Fang Han(勿誤藥室方函)", "Shang Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術)", "jing Qi Shen Lun(精氣神論)", "Hunag Guo Ming Yi Chuan(皇國名醫傳)" and the "Xian Jhe Yi Hua(先哲醫話)". Especially in the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窓書影)" he says "the old theories are the main, and the new prescriptions are to be used"(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用), stating the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' way of thinking. In the first volume of "Shung Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術) and "Za Bing Lun Shi(雜病論識)", 'Zong Ping'(總評), He discerns the parts that are not Zhang Zhong Jing's writings and emphasizes his theories and practical uses.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.57
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• pp.57-90
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• 2018

In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.441-471
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• 2018

East Coast Gut, Korean shamanism ritual on its east coastal area, is a Gut held in fishing villages alongside Korean east coastal area from Goseong area in Gangwon-Do to Busan area. East Coast Gut is performed in a series mainly by a successor shaman, Korean shaman, who hasn't received any spiritual power from a God, and the implications of this thesis lie in that we look over the learning aspects of Seokchool Kim shaman group among other East Coast Gut successor shaman groups after dividing it into 2 categories, successor shaman and learner shaman and based upon this, we reveal the meaning of the learning aspects of East Coast Gut. For successor shamans, home means the field of education. Since they are little, they chased Gut events performing dance in a series to accumulate onsite experiences. However, in the families of successor shamans that have passed their shaman work down from generation to generation, their descendents didn't inherit shaman work any longer, which changed the way of succession and learning of shaman work. Since 1980's, Gut has been officially acknowledged as a kind of general art embracing songs, dance and music and designated as a cultural asset of the state and each city and province, and at art universities, it was adopted as a required course for its related major, which caused new learner shamans who majored in shamanism to emerge. These learner shamans are taking systematical succession lessons on the performance skills of East Coast Byeolshin Gut at universities, East Coast Byeolshin Gut preservation community, any places where Guts are held and etc.. As changes along time, the successor shamans accepted the learner shamans to pass shaman work down and changes appeared in the notion of towners who accept the performer groups of Gut and Gut itself. Unlike the past, as Gut has been acknowledged as the origin of Korean traditional arts and as the product of compresensive learning on songs, dance and music and it was designated as a national intangible cultural asset, shaman's social status and personal pride and dignity has become very high. As shaman has become positioned as the traditional artist getting both national and international recognition unlike its past image of getting despised, at the site of Gut event or even in the relation with towners, their status and the treatment they get became far different. Even towners, along with shift in shaman groups' generation, take position to acknowledge and accept the addition of new learning elements unlike the past. Even in every town, rather than just insisting on the type or the event purpose of traditional Gut, they think over on the type of festival and the main direction of a variety of Guts with which all of towners can mingle with each other. They are trying to find new meanings in the trend of changing Gut and the adaptation of new generation to this. In our reality of Gut events getting minimalized along with rapid change of times, East Coast Gut is still very actively performed in a series until now compared to Guts in other regions. This is because following the successor shamans who have struggled to preserve the East Coast Gut, the learner shamans are actively inflowing and the series performance groups preserve the origin of Gut and try hard to use Gut as art contents. Besides, the learner shamans systematically organize what they learned on shamanism from the successor shamans and get prepared and try to hand it down to descendents in the closest possible way to preserve its origin. In the future, East Coast Gut will be succeeded by the learner shamans from the last successor shamans to inherit its tradition and develop it to adapt to the times.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.3
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• pp.230-250
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• 2013

possessed by Dong-A University Museum is designated as Treasure No. 595, and has been known for a more exquisite, delicate and realistic expression and a colorful three-dimensional structure compared to the 'grass and insect painting' work and its value in art history. However, it has not been analyzed and studied in fabric craft despite it being an embroidered work. This study used scientific devices to examine and analyze the Screen's fabric, thread colors, and embroidery techniques to clarify its patterns and fabric craft characteristics for its value in the history of fabric craft. As a result, consists of eight sides and its subject matters and composition are similar to those of the general paintings of grass and insects. The patterns on each side of the 'grass and insect painting' include cucumber, cockscomb, day lily, balsam pear, gillyflower, watermelon, eggplant, and chrysanthemums from the first side. Among these flowers, the balsam pear is a special material not found in the existing paintings of grass and insect. The eighth side only has the chrysanthemums with no insects and reptiles, making it different from the typical forms of the paintings of grass and insect. The fabric of the Screen uses black that is not seen in other decorative embroideries to emphasize and maximize various colors of threads. The fabric used the weave structure of 5-end satin called Gong Dan [non-patterned satin]. The threads used extremely slightly twisted threads that are incidentally twisted. Some threads use one color, while other threads use two or mixed colors in combination for three-dimensional expressions. Because the threads are severely deterioration and faded, it is impossible to know the original colors, but the most frequently used colors are yellow to green and other colors remaining relatively prominently are blue, grown, and violet. The colors of day lily, gillyflower, and strawberries are currently remaining as reddish yellow, but it is anticipated that they were originally orange and red considering the existing paintings of grass and insects. The embroidery technique was mostly surface satin stitch to fill the surfaces. This shows the traditional women's wisdom to reduce the waste of color threads. Satin stitch is a relatively simple embroidery technique for decorating a surface, but it uses various color threads and divides the surfaces for combined vertical, horizontal, and diagonal stitches or for the combination of long and short stitches for various textures and the sense of volume. The bodies of insects use the combination of buttonhole stitch, outline stitch, and satin stitch for three-dimensional expressions, but the use of buttonhole stitch is particularly noticeable. In addition to that, decorative stitches were used to give volume to the leaves and surface pine needle stitches were done on the scouring rush to add more realistic texture. Decorative stitches were added on top of gillyflower, strawberries, and cucumbers for a more delicate touch. is valuable in the history of paintings and art and bears great importance in the history of Korean embroidery as it uses outstanding technique and colors of Korea to express the Shin Sa-im-dang's 'Grass and Insect Painting'.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.3
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• pp.172-187
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• 2019

Knowledge of intangible cultural heritage is usually disseminated through word-of-mouth and actions rather than written records. Thus, people assemble to teach others about it and form communities. Accordingly, to understand and spread information about intangible cultural heritage properly, it is necessary to understand not only their attributes but also a community's relational characteristics. Community members include specialized transmitters who work under the auspices of institutions, and general transmitters who enjoy intangible cultural heritage in their daily lives. They converse about intangible cultural heritage in close relationships. However, to date, research has focused only on professionals. Thus, this study focused on the roles of general transmitters of intangible cultural heritage information by investigating intangible cultural heritage communities centering around Jeongseon Arirang; a social network analysis was performed. Regarding the research objectives presented in the introduction, the main findings of the study are summarized as follows. First, there were 197 links between 74 members of the Jeongseon Arirang Transmission Community. One individual had connections with 2.7 persons on average, and all were connected through two steps in the community. However, the density and the clustering coefficient were low, 0.036 and 0.32, respectively; therefore, the cohesiveness of this community was low, and the relationships between the members were not strong. Second, 'Young-ran Yu', 'Nam-gi Kim' and 'Gil-ja Kim' were found to be the prominent figures of the Jeongseon Arirang Transmission Community, and the central structure of the network was concentrated around these three individuals. Being located in the central structure of the network indicates that a person is popular and ranked high. Also, it means that a person has an advantage in terms of the speed and quantity of the acquisition of information and resources, and is in a relatively superior position in terms of bargaining power. Third, to understand the replaceability of the roles of Young-ran Yu, Nam-gi Kim, and Gil-ja Kim, who were found to be the major figures through an analysis of the central structure, structural equivalence was profiled. The results of the analysis showed that the positions and roles of Young-ran Yu, Nam-gi Kim, and Gil-ja Kim were unrivaled and irreplaceable in the Jeongseon Arirang Transmission Community. However, considering that these three members were in their 60s and 70s, it seemed that it would be necessary to prepare measures for the smooth maintenance and operation of the community. Fourth, to examine the subgroup hidden in the network of the Jeongseon Arirang Transmission Community, an analysis of communities was conducted. A community refers to a subgroup clearly differentiated based on modularity. The results of the analysis identified the existence of four communities. Furthermore, the results of an analysis of the central structure showed that the communities were formed and centered around Young-ran Yu, Hyung-jo Kim, Nam-gi Kim, and Gil-ja Kim. Most of the transmission TAs recommended by those members, students who completed a course, transmission scholarship holders, and the general members taught in the transmission classes of the Jeongseon Arirang Preservation Society were included as members of the communities. Through these findings, it was discovered that it is possible to maintain the transmission genealogy, making an exchange with the general members by employing the present method for the transmission of Jeongseon Arirang, the joint transmission method. It is worth paying attention to the joint transmission method as it overcomes the demerits of the existing closed one-on-one apprentice method and provides members with an opportunity to learn their masters' various singing styles. This study is significant for the following reasons: First, by collecting and examining data using a social network analysis method, this study analyzed phenomena that had been difficult to investigate using existing statistical analyses. Second, by adopting a different approach to the previous method in which the genealogy was understood, looking at oral data, this study analyzed the structures of the transmitters' relationships with objective and quantitative data. Third, this study visualized and presented the abstract structures of the relationships among the transmitters of intangible cultural heritage information on a 2D spring map. The results of this study can be utilized as a baseline for the development of community-centered policies for the protection of intangible cultural heritage specified in the UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage. To achieve this, it would be necessary to supplement this study through case studies and follow-up studies on more aspects in the future.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.4-19
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• 2014

In Joseon dynasty, Gongsin-Gyoseo(Royal Edicts rewarding meritorious vassals) was issued for the reward of the contribution to the specific event of the nation. The family decided as vassals succeeded this Gongsin-Gyoseo as the family treasure to later generations. When one happened to lose this caused by an unavoidable situation such as war in this process, there were a few cases of reissuing of Gongsin-gyoseo by the nation. The confirmative reissued Gongsin-gyoseo among Gongsin-gyoseo that descended down by now are three pieces which is Park dongnyang Hoseong Gongsin-Gyoseo, Gu goeng Jeongsa Gongsin-Gyoseo, and Park jung Jeongsa Gongsin-Gyoseo. This research considered the form and mounting about these three pieces. It was indicated that the reissued Gongsin-Gyoseo was produced following the same form with the original Gongsin-Gyoseo, that is pyeongchul(moving to next lines) and daedu (writing one or two letters ahead compared to the first letter) and so on. But, it was indicated that the change of the position of the vassals in the reissued time was reflected compared to position of the original Gongsin-Gyoseo. In case of Jeonsa Gongsin-Gyoseo, it was indicated that it was 'Wonjongdaewang-whi' since the original Gongsin-Gyoseo was 'Jeongwongun-bu' and the reissued time he became the father of King Injo. Also, it was confirmed that the case of deprivation because of conspiracy such as 'Kim jajeom, Kim ryeon, Sim kiwon, Sim kisung' was produced as the original document and deleted with black ink stick. It was newly confirmed while the original Gongsin-Gyoseo was produced by a designated writer from the nation, the reissuance was written by a writer from the family of the vassals. Since the mounting of Gongsin-Gyoseo could be changed according to the favor and technique of the craftsman participated in the practical production such as Baezeopjang and economical situation of the country supplying the material, the mounting of these three Gongsin-Gyoseo should be different from the original mounting, especially because of the loss of the original by the Manchu war of 1636. The comparison result of Gongsin-Gyoseo produced in the same period with the original issued one in the record of the related Uigwe (a collection of documents from the Joseon Dynasty), the reissued one seems to be larger in the form or ratio of the mounting compared to the first issued one. First of all, the width of Byunah was expanded as twice bigger, center and both side Hoejang also was bigger as over 2cm, and the below Hoejang was expanded as 10cm, and the ratio of the upper Hoejang and the below Hoejang was wider as 1.5 times and the reissuance was 1:1 ratio. The bisect of upper shaft in Park dongnyang Hoseong Gongsin-Gyoseo is assumed as the form of an equilateral triangle, not a half-moon shape of the present, and Gu goeng and Park jung Jeongsa Gongsin-Gyoseo will be the form whose bisection form is same but the size is smaller. Chuksu is confirmed that the size is not changed significantly. Osaekdahoe can be assumed that the width was smaller compared to the first issued one. The 3 pieces of the reissued versions provide the clue of the verification for the form of the mounting of Bosa Gongsin-Gyoseo in the same production period. In the situation that the mounting of the production time was not confirmed among the currently descended Bosa Gongsin-Gyoseo, they can be very important materials.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.39
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• pp.95-130
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• 2006

Japanese government college researchers, including Sekino Tadashi(關野貞), have conducted research studies and collected data, on overall Korean cultural relics as well as Silla tumuli(新羅古墳) in the early modern times under the Japanese imperialistic rule. They were supported by the Meichi government in the early stage of research, by the Chosun government-general, and by their related organizations after Korea was coIonialized to carry out investigations on Korean antiquities, fine arts, architecture, anthropology, folklore, and so on. The objective for which they prosecuted inquiries into Korean cultural relics, including Silla tumuli, may be attributed to the purport to find out such data as needed for the theoretical foundation to justify their colonialization of Korea. Such a reason often showed locally biased or distorted views. Investigations and surveys had been incessantly carried out by those Japanese scholars who took a keen interest in Korean tumuli and excavated relics since 1886. 'Korea Architecture Survey Reports' conducted in 1904 by Sekino in Korea gives a brief introduction of the contents of Korean tumuli, including the Five Royal Mausoleums(五陵). And in 1906 Imanishi Ryu(今西龍) launched for the first time an excavation survey on Buksan Tumulus(北山古墳) in Sogeumgangsan(小金剛山) and on 'Namchong(南塚)' in Hwangnam-dong, which greatly contributed to the foundation of a basic understanding of Wooden chamber tombs with stone mound(積石木槨墳) and stone chambers with tunnel entrance(橫穴式石室墳). The ground plan and cross section of stone chambers made in 1909 at his excavation survey of seokchimchong(石枕塚) by Yazui Seiyichi(谷井第一) who majored in architecture made a drawing in excavation surveys for the first time in Korea, in which numerical expressions are sharply distinguished from the previous sketched ones. And even in the following excavation surveys this kind of drawing continued. Imanishi and Yazui elucidated that wooden chambers with stone mound chronologically differs from the stone chambers with tunnel entrance on the basis of the results of surveys of the locational characteristics of Silla tumuli, the forms and size of tomb entrance, excavated relics, and so forth. The government-general put in force 'the Historic Spots and Relics Preservation Rules' and 'the Historic Spots Survey Council Regulations' in 1916, establishing 'Historic Spots Survey Council and Museum Conference. When museums initiated their activities, they exhibited those relics excavated from tumuli and conducted surveys of relics with the permission of the Chosun government-general. A gold crown tomb(金冠塚) was excavated and surveyed in 1921 and a seobong tomb(瑞鳳塚) in 1927. Concomitantly with this large size wooden chamber tombs with stone mound attracted strong public attention. Furthermore, a variety of surveys of spots throughout the country were carried out but publication of tumuli had not yet been realized. Recently some researchers's endeavors led to publish unpublished reports. However, the reason why reports of such significant tumuli as seobong tomb had not yet been published may be ascribed to the critical point in those days. The Gyeongju Tumuli Distribution Chart made by Nomori Ken(野守健) on the basis of the land register in the late 1920s seems of much significance in that it specifies the size and locations of 155 tumuli and shows the overall shape of tumuli groups within the city, as used in today's distribution chart. In the 1930s Arimitsu Kyoichi(有光敎一) and Saito Tadashi(齋藤忠) identified through excavation surveys of many wooden chamber tombs with stone mound and stone chambers with tunnel entrance, that there were several forms of tombs in a tomb system. In particular, his excavation survey experience of those wooden chamber tombs with stone mound which were exposed in complicated and overlapped forms show features more developed than that of preceding excavation surveys and reports publication, and so on. The result of having reviewed the contents of many historic spots surveyed at that time. Therefore this reexamination is considered to be a significant project in arranging the history of archaeology in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.220-237
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• 2021

This study carried out the conservation treatment for the mattress put on the bed, which is one of 4 items in National Folklore Cultural Heritage, the Red-lacquered Furniture with the inlaid mother-of-pearl design used by Empress Sunjeonghyo (presumed), after identifying the characteristics of the manufacturing techniques and the used materials. And the study intends to compare it with the mattress placed in the Daejojeong in the Changdeokgung Palace in order to identify the characteristics of mattresses domestically used during the 1920s and 1930s. From the analysis of the mattress presumably used by Empress Sunjeonghyo, it was identified that the mattress frame was made of pinaceous hemlock spruce while the webbing and twine in the structural parts were made of jute. The findings are as follows: the burlap had a filling material that was made of jute; the straw mat was made from Oryza; and, the rest of the filling material was cotton. Rayon was used for the top cover while cotton was used for the bottom. As a result of research on the materials and the inner structure, it was found that mattress was manufactured in the form of the upholstery style mainly found in chairs and day-beds in Western furniture. Based on analysis results, materials identical to the original were adopted during the conservation treatment. Next, the process of dismantling, cleaning, repair, reinforcement and assembling was conducted. During the dismantling process, the top cover was newly discovered and some letters (Yokohama, Kobe, and Joseon) were found in the burlap filling, but there was no trace which can clarify its maker or production place. dry cleaning was carried out on the structural parts, filling materials, and the cover, and then the repair and reinforcement were done, preserving the existing materials in the upholstery structure and using the same materials for conservation. The webbing in the structural parts was reinforced using materials identical to the original, and the twine was used for arranging and fixing the springs into wooden frames. For the damaged cotton cloth and burlap, reinforcement materials identical to the original were put over it and sown. For the damaged area of the top cover, reinforcement cloth was cut and then added inside and the damaged area was sown. Assembling was carried out in the reverse order of the dismantling. After the burlap identical to the original material was inserted into the areas in contact with the springs and then fastened, a filling pad, reinforcement cloth, a straw mat, cotton cloth, cotton felt, wide cotton cloth for protecting the cover, and the cover were layered and fastened with tacks. The two mattresses used by Empress Sunjeonghyo differed only by the period of production and followed the same Western upholstery style consisting of the frames, filling materials, and covers. During the conservation treatment process, a velvet cover was newly discovered and the traces of repair in the past were found. Furthermore, identifying straw mats, straw bags, and straws for filling material, this study confirmed changes in the materials used according to the production environment. In the future, it is expected to see changes in the conservation materials during the conservation treatment and manufacturing techniques used for chairs and sofas in the upholstery style belonging to the modern cultural artifacts.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.227-266
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• 2020

The purpose of this paper is to review the representative Buddhist policies enforced during the reign of Gwanghaegun (光海君), the 15th king of the Joseon Dynasty, and the aspects of the Buddhist community affected by them. Through this, the influence and dynamism of Buddhism during the reign of Gwanghaegun will be revealed. Some of the findings will run contrary to what is popularly known about Joseon Buddhism and the policy of Sungyueokbul (崇儒抑佛), 'Revering Confucianism and Supressing Buddhism.' During the Joseon Dynasty, Neo-Confucianism was taken as an ideological background, and consequently, Buddhism was ostracized by the ruling class who advocated the exclusion of heretical views. This also characterized King Gwanghaegun's reign during the Mid-Joseon Dynasty. In reality though, the ruling class held mixed opinions about Buddhism, and this influenced the Buddhist community in the Gwanghaegun Period. The military might of Japan demonstrated during the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, led the ruling class to recognize Buddhism, and as a result, the status of Buddhism rose to a certain extent. Based on its elevated status and the aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Korea, the Buddhist community engaged in social welfare activities inspired by the notion of requiting favors, and the Buddhist community gained recognition for providing relief services. As a result, the number of monks increased, and the economic situation improved as land ownership was granted to temples and monks. This is the means by which the Japanese Invasion of Korea influenced the Buddhist policies of the Gwanghaegun Period and changed the religious topography of Buddhism. During the reign of King Gwanghaegun, the ruling class regarded Buddhism as heretical, but offered posthumous titles to monks who engaged in meritorious services during the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Favorable and/or preferential treatment was also granted to some Buddhist monks. In addition, monks began to perform labor projects that demanded organizational and physical strength, such as those which related to national defense and architecture. However, throughout the Gwanghaegun Period, the monks were paid a certain amount of compensation for their labor, and the monks' responsibility for labor increased. This can be understood as a partial reconciliation with Buddhism or an acceptance of Buddhism rather than the suppression of Buddhism often presented by historians. As for policies which affected Buddhism, the Buddhist community showed signs of cooperation with the ruling class, the creation and reconstruction of temples, and the production of Buddhist art. Through close ties with the ruling class, Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period saw the Buddhist community actively responded policies that impacted Buddhism, and this allowed their religious orders to be maintained. In this way, it was also confirmed that the monk, Buhyu Seonsu (浮休 善修) and his disciple Byeogam Gakseong (碧巖 覺性), took up leadership roles in their Buddhist community. The Buddhist-aimed policies of Gwanghaegun were implemented against the backdrop of the Buddhist community, wherein the ruling class held mixed opinions regarding Buddhism. As such, both improvements and set backs for Buddhism could be observed during that time period. The ruling class actively utilized the organizational power of Buddhism for national defense and civil engineering after the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Out of gratitude, they implemented appropriate compensation for the Buddhists involved. The Buddhist community also responded to policies that affected them through exchanges with the ruling class. They succeeded in securing funds and support to repair and produce Buddhist temples and artworks. A thoughtful inspection of the policies towards and responses to Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period, shows that Buddhism actually enjoyed considerable organizational power and influence. This flies in the face of the general description of Joseon Buddhism as "Sungyueokbul (revering Confucianism and supressing Buddhism)."