• 동북아역사논총
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• no.59
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• pp.150-186
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• 2018

This paper explains what Japanese progressive liberalism was in postwar Japan by clarifying Maruyama Masao's "Cold War Liberalism," focusing especially on his realism and nationalism searching for "democracy" and "peace" in the context of the early Cold War Japan. Maruyama's Cold War liberalism can be grasped from two perspectives: how the Cold War defined his liberalism and how Maruyama interpreted the Cold War as a liberalist in postwar Japan. The liberal interpretation of the Cold War captures the spatial manifestations of liberalism in the Cold War while Cold War liberalism was to grasp the temporal succession of modern Japan. Maruyama revealed his liberal thinking by combining it to his idea of nationalism and realism. He was concerned about the reshaping of the fascist atmosphere provoked by anti-communism emerging from 186 | 동북아역사논총 59호the Cold War confrontation structure. He sought "neutrality" and "peace" to overcome the so-called "two worlds" of the Cold War. And he stressed the importance of "fair judgment" and "autonomous association" to restrain the fascistic atmosphere in postwar Japan. For Maruyama, subjectivity aimed at the concept of "nation" rather than "citizen," and nationalism was a condition for "democracy" and "peace" in postwar Japan. Maruyama's critical liberalism worked through nationalism and realism.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.195-229
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• 2018

This study has examined how the welfare system has changed as it has passed through the most controversial period in Korean modern history. The welfare system has changed in a way that adapts to the need for export-led economic growth. Industrialization centered on light industry, which started in the mid-1960s, absorbed the labor force that existed in the rural areas and commodified them, thereby creating a momentum for Korean society to get out of poverty. However, the public de-commodification, ie social security system, adapted to the commodification of the labor force has been institutionalized only in a very limited area and people. Indeed, the de-commodification system was confined to the area directly linked to the reproduction of the labor force. Even so, the target was very limited in the abundance of labor in rural areas. Compulsory medical insurance was rejected because of corporate burden, and industrial accidents insurance was introduced centering on large-scale workplaces. As the Korean economy began to move from the light industry to the heavy industry in the 1970s, the commodificated labor force changed from a low skilled labor force to a skilled male labor force. It is at this time that dual structures have begun to be created between workers employed in export-oriented large enterprises and workers employed in domestic-oriented SMEs. Therefore, the system of de-commodification that supports the reproduction of labor power in response to social risks has also been institutionalized centering on large-scale workplaces.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.167-177
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• 2018

Major countries, such as the U.S., UK and Germany have reformed their national intelligence systems in the face of transnational, asymmetric and comprehensive threats since September 11, 2001 and have strengthened the intelligence capacity involved in countering terrorism and WMD proliferation, right/left extremism threats. The Korean Moon Jae-in government is preparing a reform plan to eliminate illegal political intervention and abuse of power by the National Intelligence Service(NIS) and to rebuild it as an efficient national intelligence agency for national security. In discussing the reform direction of the NIS, it is necessary to discuss in detail whether adopting a separate model of intelligence agencies to restrict domestic intelligence activities of the NIS and concentrate on foreign intelligence activities or establish new domestic intelligence agencies. Second, as for the issue of transferring anti-Communism investigation authority of the NIS to the police, it needs to be carefully considered in terms of balancing the efficiency and professionalism of intelligence agency activity in the context of North Korea's continuous military provocation, covert operations and cyber threats. Third, it should strive to strengthen the control and supervision functions of the administration and the National Assembly to ensure the political neutrality of the NIS in accordance with the democratization era, to guarantee citizens' basic rights and to improve the transparency of budget execution.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.201-208
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to investigate reunification perception among groups with different cognitive bias(anchoring bias) through empirical studies. This study assumes that cognitive bias occurs according to the content of N. Korea provided in school education, and that the cognitive bias formed in youth creates a difference in perception of N. Korea and reunification. For empirical study, a survey of reunification awareness conducted by the Institute for Peace an Unification Studies-Seoul National University was used, and the two groups are divided into A-group that chose "anti-communism or security" and B-group that did "reunification interests, multi-culturalism and understanding North Korea" according to N. Korea content which was encountered in school education during adolescence. A-group recognized N. Korea as a hostile target even after becoming an adult, while B-group regarded N. Korea as a one of dialogue and cooperation. This analysis illustrates the existence of cognitive bias between the two groups because of N. Korea content which was given in school education. A-group had a lower percentage than B-group in terms of the benefits of reunification to S. Korea and the need for more dialogue and compromise with N. Korea. However, there was no difference between two groups in terms of acceptance of N. Korean defectors. This research result could be a reference to the direction of school education policies relating to reunification in that early school education affects reunification awareness and perception related with N. Korea even in adulthood.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.23
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• pp.213-239
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• 2005

Si is a genre which has been steadily loved by Korean, Particularly, 1920's through 1930's, the Revival Movement of Sijo is made by the school of Literary for People, including Choi Namseon, Lee Byeonggi and Lee Eunsang. And Kwon Goohyeon, a member of KAPF, and Han Yongwoon, not belonging to any literary group were interested in Sijo. Kwon Goohyeon, both a member of KAPF and an anarchist has published A Present of Black Room(1927), which is one of the two published in 1920's-1920's saw only two volumes of Sijo works be published: Choi Namseon's 108 Agony(1926) and Kwon's. However, Kwon Goohyeon's work has not been illuminated. compared with Choi Namseon's and the Revival Movement Sijo by the school of Literary for People. It is because Korean literary world has been under the anti-communism ideology since the Liberation of Korea. However, it caused to explore proletarianism Sijo (Joh woon) and proletarianism poetry (Park Yeonghee) that Kwon is a memeber of KAPF and an anarchist. Han Yongwoon, not belonging to any literary group, was very famous as the poet of My Belolved One's Silence(1926), not as a Sijo poet. It means that he s not been illuminated as a Sijo poet. However, his Sijo is enough to contain his various features such as a man of Independence Movement, a Buddhist monk, a lyrical poet and so on. His first Sijo is For Planting Mookoonghwa-Poetry Written in Prison(1922), which has been published four years prior to My Beloved One's. And his affection on Sijo is inferred from the fact that he has constantly published Sijo more than free verse. The aim this thesis is to find out a position of Sijo 1920's through 1930's from a study on Kwon Goohyeon's and Han Yongwoon's Sijo. Sijo, Korean traditional literary genre, was written by most of the poets including not only the school of Literary for People but Kwon Goohyeon and Han Yongwoon 1920's through 1930's. As a result, the writing of Sijo was not a partial movement by the anti-KAPF group, but by a paradigm in 1920's through 1930's.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.22-34
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• 2016

The purpose of this study was to analyze commemoration characteristics of fifty-nine Vietnam war memorials in Korea(VWMK) including monuments and national cemeteries from landscape architectural point of view such as location, spacial characteristic, landscape detail, sculpture, and interpretive text. Based on the commemoration characteristics of the analysis, the commemoration culture among Vietnam, the U.S.A., and Korea were studied and differences compared. The results are as follows. First, monuments were mainly located in public open space such as national cemeteries, parks, and plaza, and some of them were elected along with Korea war memorials to honor Vietnam war veterans at the national level. Second, because the monuments were relatively small and memorial towers were conventionally built on a square platform, the memorial style had been simply standardized to stereotype the commemoration characteristics. Third, outmoded memorial towers, stone plates, emblems, and memorial walls were used as main landscape details and standardized facilities were considered from an artistic and social point of view. Fourth, realistic soldier statues to show heroic and humanitarian image were in majority, while symbolic and abstract sculpture were small in number, they were mostly conventional and unexpressive. Fifth, the causes of participation in the Vietnam War were predominantly expressed as 'defending freedom', 'keeping world peace', and 'national economic development' based on anti-communism and patriotism, and also the collectivity of Vietnam War veterans by troop and local level was emphasized through engraving each veterans's name on towers, plates, and walls. VWMK are mostly conventional and stereotyped in style and show strongly national official memory and the collectivity of veterans from a sociopolitical perspective, and aim for anti-communistic patriotism ideologically. Further study and projects will be required to make creative and innovative memorials and to study how to rethink sublime fundamental themes like war, death, and the individual veteran's experience in VWMK.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.45
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• pp.295-324
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• 2016

This essay attempts a contrapuntal reading of Thomas More's Utopia. Contrapunctual reading, proposed by Edward Said. attempts to make a text speak across temporal, cultural, and ideological boundaries to a topic of present. I examine two opposite readings of Utopia around 2011 by both pro- and anti-Occupy Wall Street positions. On the one hand, the opponents of Occupy find its limits as a utopian social movement echoing in the fictional character of Hythrodaeus and the alternative society verbally sketched by him in Book Two of Utopia. On the other, Occupy's advocates read More's text as embodying its radial possibility. However, each shares the tendency to denounce Book Two, praising Book One in which Hythrodaeus vehemently criticizes England; they read Hythrodaeus not as an utopian idealist but as a social critic. The Occupy, as a result, is seen here as having an ambivalent relationship to utopianism. I reinterpret the radical possibilities of Book Two criticized by both pro- and anti-Occupy invocations of Utopia. Book Two provides a utopian space in which the existing social contradictions are cancelled, revealing the limits of the three partial utopias proposed at the end of Book One. Following Louis Marin's argument, I argue, the "utopic" space does not lie in the so-called ideal society described in the text but in the inconsistencies between the text's description(discourse) and topography(map). In Book Two the existence of a king is described, yet his space is not found in the topography of utopia; likewise market is described as existing at the center of a city, yet its space is not found either. These inconsistencies create a neutral space in which the ideological contradictions of the text are cancelled, and the space opens up the possibility of communal society beyond modern sovereign power and capitalism I argue this utopian dream needs to be summoned once again in our time as a compelling alternative to the corporate, capitalist order.

• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.1-22
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• 2022

This study was conducted based on the service philosophy as a study to capitalize on the wisdom of Korea and Koreans. This is a study that capitalizes on the wisdom of the founding president who led civilization changes in Korea. Wisdom as a visionary leader who played a leading role in Korea's development from a continental civilization to a maritime civilization was derived. We analyzed the wisdom of the founding president, who established the Republic of Korea with a new identity as a liberal democracy and protected it, and laid the foundation for Korea to leap into an advanced country through legal system reform and human resource development. First, we analyzed the essence of politics and presented the essential tragic nature that visionary leaders must bear as politicians. We also analyzes his courage and belief to accept a tragic fate, the insights on the spirit of independence, anti-communism, liberal democracy and the future. We analyze the wisdom as a visionary leader that is consistently revealed through countless choices and decisions to give up. It suggests that such wisdom is essential for the founding and development of a nation, and the wisdom need to be assetized. It needs a solid philosophical foundation to become a useful wisdom asset in the long run. In this study, Syngman Rhee's wisdom was assetized on the basis of the service philosophy. This is because it is wisdom based on the fiercely symmetrical balance principle. Human resource development was a choice that entailed great sacrifice, the market economy was a choice that entailed great sacrifice, and the protection of liberal democracy was also a choice that entailed great sacrifice, so it can be said that it is wisdom that fits the essence of the service philosophy. It is wisdom found only in outstanding visionary leaders. We present the wisdom of building a free democratic country, the wisdom of building a free market economy, and the wisdom of building a talent-oriented nation as assets in terms of national management philosophy, national management owner, time frame, and strategic asset. It also suggests that visionary leaders are continuously required for the long-term sustainable development of mankind and Korean society.