• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.120-136
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• 2024

Yeong-dae(靈臺), Yeong-yu(靈囿), and Yeong-so(靈沼) - so-called 'Yeong-dae Garden' – appear in the poem 'Dae-ah(大雅)․Yeong-dae(靈臺)' in Shijing(詩經) which is considered the record of the earliest garden in East Asia, in the chapter 'Yanghyewang(梁惠王)' of Mencius(孟子). Focusing on those records, this research clarifies their characteristics and discusses the aspects related to garden practices in the Joseon Dynasty. The Yeong-dae Garden is the garden of King Wen of the Zhou Dynasty, who is considered a sage of Confucianism. It is considered to be the first imperial garden in China, and the basic form of all gardens consists of mountains and water. The characteristics of Yeong-dae Garden can be specified through the texts of Shijing and Mencius, the comments written by Zhu Xi and others, and later literature, such as Sambohwangdo. The characteristics of Yeong-dae Garden are as follows: In terms of form, the three spatial elements corresponding to raised ground, a wide area for raising animals, and a pond with fish form a simple arrangement; in terms of function, it combines observation and rest; and in terms of symbolism, it signifies the companionship of the public sentiment and the leader's sincerity. In literature from the Joseon Dynasty, Yeong-dae Garden mainly appear in historical materials related to the King, and its meaning shows an aspect of differentiation into two functions: an observatory for astronomical observation and a garden for rest and appreciation. For the intellectuals of Joseon who sought to restore an ancient ideal state like the Zhou Dynasty through Zhu Xi's Neo-Confucianism, the Yeong-dae Garden served as a control device to warn against royal garden's practices and a symbolic mechanism to expand its meaning of existence to good politics.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.7-29
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• 2010

The form of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda site is that of the traditional form of the wooden pagodas constructed during the Baekjae Period. Likewise, it is an important ruin for conducting research on the form and type of the wooden pagodas constructed during the Baekjae Period. In particular, the method used for the installation of the central pillar's cornerstone is a new technique. The purpose of this research is to restore the ruin of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda of the Baekjae Period that remains at the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda site. Until now, research conducted on the wooden pagoda took place mostly centered on the Hwangryongsa Temple's wooden pagoda. Meanwhile, the reality concerning Baekjae's wooden pagoda is one in which there were not many parallel cases pertain to the design for restoration. This research paper wants to conduct academic examination of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda to organize the intention of design and design process in a simple manner. This research included review of the Baekjae Period's wooden pagoda related ruins and the review of the existing wooden pagoda ruin to analyze the wooden pagoda construction technique of the era. Then, current status of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda site is identified to define the characteristics of the wooden pagoda, and to set up the layout format and the measure to estimate the size of the wooden pagoda in order to design each part. Ultimately, techniques and formats used for the restoration of the wooden pagoda were aligned with the wooden pagoda of the Baekjae Period. Basically, conditions that can be traced from the current status of the Wangheungsa Temple site excavation using the primary standards as the standard. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda was designed into the wooden pagoda of the Baekjae's prosperity phase. The plane was formed into $3{\times}3$ compartments to design into three tier pagoda. The height was decided by factoring in the distance between the East-West corridors, size of the compartment in the middle, and the view that is visible from above the terrace when entering into the waterway. Basically, the origin of the wooden structure format is based on the Goguryeo style, but also the linkage with China's southern regional styles and Japan's ancient wooden pagoda methods was factored in. As for the format of the central pillar, it looks as if the column that was erected after digging the ground was used when setting up the columns in the beginning. During the actual construction work of the wooden pagoda, central pillar looks as if it was erected by setting up the cornerstone on the ground. The reason that the reclaimed part of pillar that use the underground central cornerstone as the support was not utilized, was because the Eccentric Load of the central pillar's cornerstone was factored in the state of the layers of soil piled up one layer at a time that is repeated with the yellow clay and sandy clay and the yellow clay that were formed separately with the $80cm{\times}80cm$ angle at the upper part of the central pillar's cornerstone was factored in as well. Thus, it was presumed that the central pillar was erected in the actual design using the ground style format. It is possible to presume the cases in which the reclaimed part of pillar were used when constructed for the first time, but in which central pillar was installed later on, after the supplementary materials of the underground column is corroded. In this case, however, technique in which soil is piled up one layer at a time to lay down the foundation of a building structure cannot be the method used in that period, and the reclamation cannot fill up using the $80cm{\times}80cm$ angle. Thus, it was presumed that the layers of soil for building structure's foundation was solidified properly on top of the central pillar's cornerstone when the first wooden pagoda construction work was taking place, and that the ground style central pillar was erected on its upper part by placing the cornerstone once again. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda is significant from the structure development aspect of the Korean wooden pagodas along with the Hwangryongsa Temple's wooden pagoda. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda construction technique which was developed during the prosperity phase of the Baekjae Period is presumed to have served as a role model for the construction of the Iksan Mireuksa Temple's wooden pagoda and Hwangryongsa Temple's wooden pagoda. With the plan to complement the work further by excavating more, the basic wooden pagoda model was set up for this research. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda was constructed as at the Baekjae Kingdom wide initiative, and it was the starting point for the construction of superb pagoda using state of the art construction techniques of the era during the Baekjae's prosperous years, amidst the utmost interest of all the Baekjae populace. Starting out from its inherent nature of enshrining Sakyamuni's ashes, it served as the model that represented the unity of all the Baekjae populace and the spirit of the Baekjae people. It interpreted these in the most mature manner on the Korean peninsula at the time.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.144
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• pp.319-338
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• 2017

Nowadays, the attention of integrity increases in ethics by concerning about the self and reviving the virtue ethic. It's terminology is diverse because integrity is understood and translated in various dimensions. I am trying to translate integrity into self-integration. Firstly, the reason why is to bring the Latin language of integrity. The Latin language of integrity means an undivided and broken completeness or totality with nothing wanting. Secondly, This is the reason why it is related with the morally good life. This integrity is not an integration as a stream of consciousness and a substantial self identity given from an ancient Greek. I resolve a self integration through the unity of a narrative of MacIntyre. MacIntyre's point is like this. Integrity is connected with the unity of character which a self is embedded in character. The unity of character presupposes a self identity, ultimately the integrity of narrative requires the unity of character. But like a beginning and middle and end of a narrative, he says that the concept of self is based on the its unity in the narrative uniting birth and middle and death. This is in the course of life being his/her history and narrative because a self has a sustainability of time embedded in a life from birth to end. That self exists as a subject making its narrative shows being responsible for and responsible for experience and action constructing this narrative. This shows the relation with narrative and temporality. The self of present is talking about the self of past and brings the problem of responsibility by narrating the self of future. Then, who are those person who live life of their integrity. We can talk that comfort women live life of their integrity. Comfort women realized their integrity by narrating and become subject of their history.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.1
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• pp.80-99
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• 2018

In premodern society, the central spaces in local counties were known as Eupchi (邑治), in which Gwan-a (官衙). The Eupchi located in seaside counties were in Eupseong, whereas the Eupchi of inland counties only included a Gwan-a, and did not have a fortress. Yanggeun-gun (楊根郡) and Jipyeonghyeon (砥平縣), which currently form Yangpyeong-gun (楊平郡), were counties where only Gwan-a existed. At present, there are few traces of the Gwan-a in Yanggeun and Jipyeong. In addition, it is impossible to exactly verify the history, scale and location of these two Gwan-as. Therefore, this study attempts to make a rough estimation of the histories, scales and sites of these Gwan-a by analyzing the relevant literature and ancient maps that are scattered according to the principles of spatial organization of local Gwan-a. The Yanggeun and Jipyeong Gwan-a appear to have been built in the early Joseon period. There are three reasons for this assertion: First, in Yanggeun and Jipyeong, Suryeong (守令) were first officially appointed after the early Joseon period. Once Suryoeng were appointed to such counties, the Gwan-a in which they would serve could be established. Second, the Dongheon (東軒) in Yanggengun and the Gaeksa (客舍) in Jipyeonghyeon were rebuilt in 1703 (29th year of the reign of King Sukjong) and 1465 (11th year of the reign of King Sejo), respectively; thus; the Gwan-a must have existed since the early Joseon period.. Third, in Yanggeungun, the Hyanggyo (鄕校) had existed since the early Joseon period, as the Joseon government necessarily established the Hyanggyo in areas where Suryeong were established. The facilities of local Gwan-a in the Joseon period were largely divided into gonghae (公?), educational institutes, and alters. The gonghae was a facility in which the Suryeong and Gwanwon (官員) managed administrative, judicial and military affairs, and consisted of the A-sa (衙舍), Hyeongcheong (鄕廳), Jackcheong (作廳), Gaeksa (客舍), Gungwancheon (軍官廳), and so on. The education institute was called a Hyeonggyo, while alters included the Sajikdan (社稷壇), Seonghwansa (城隍祠) and Yeodan (?壇). Both the Yeongeun and Jipyeong Gwan-a also consisted of such facilities as A-sa, Hyangcheong, Jakcheong, Gaeksa, Gungwancheong, Hyeonggyo, Changgo, Sajikdan, Seonghwangsa, Yeodan, Saryeongcheong, Jiincheong and Gwannocheong. The present sites for both Gwan-as cannot be identified with any certitude. However, they can be roughly identified by connecting the related literatures, oral statements and relics with the principles of spatial organization of local Gwan-a in the Joseon period. ${\bullet}$ Address of the Yanggeun A-sa (Dongheon): the whole of # 15, Gwanmun 1-gil, Yangpyeong-eup (Yanggeun-ri 151) in front of Yanggeun Junior High School at present. ${\bullet}$ Address of Yanggeun Gaeksa: around the Yangpyeong police station at present. ${\bullet}$ Address of Jipyeong A-sa(Dongheon): the whole of Jipyeong-ri 248-250, Jipyeong-myeon at present. ${\bullet}$ Address of Jipyeong Gaeksa: the whole of Jipyeong-ri 238, Jipyeong-myeon at present.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.4-25
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• 2013

Goli-su is the innovative special kind of the embroidery technique, which combines twining and interlacing skill with metal technology and makes the loops woven to each other with a strand. The loops floating on the space of the ground look like floating veins of sculpture and give people the feeling of the openwork. This kind of characteristic has some similarities with the lacework craft of Western Europe in texture and technique style, but it has its own features different from that of Western Europe. It mainly represents the splendid gloss with metallic materials in the Embroidered cloth, such as gold foil or wire. In the 10th century, early days of Goryo, we can see the basic Goli-su structure form of its initial period in the boy motif embroidery purse unearthed from the first level of Octagonal Nine-storied Pagoda of Woljeong-sa. In the Middle period of Joseon, there are several pieces of Goli-su embroidered relic called "Battle Flag of Goryo", which was taken by the Japanese in 1592 and is now in the Japanese temple. This piece is now converted into altar-table covers. In 18~19th century, two pairs of embroidered pillows in Joseon palace were kept intact, whose time and source are very accurate. The frame of the pillows was embroidered with Goli-su veins, and some gold foil papers were inserted into the inside. The triangle motif with silk was embroidered on the pillow. The stitch in the Needle-Looped embroidery is divided into three kinds according to comprehensive classification: 1. Goli-su ; 2. Goli-Kamgi-su ; 3. Goli-Saegim-su. From the 10th century newly establishing stage to the 13th century, Goli-su has appeared variational stitches and employed 2~3 dimensional color schemes gradually. According to the research of this thesis, we can still see this stitch in the embroidery pillow, which proves that Goli-suwas still kept in Korea in the 19th century. And in terms of the research achievement of this thesis, Archetype technology of Goli-su was restored. Han Sang-soo, Important Intangible Cultural Heritage No. 80 and Master of Embroidery already recreated the Korean relics of Goli-su in Joseon Dynasty. The Needle-Looped embriodery is the overall technological result of ancestral outstanding Metal craft, Twining and Interlacing craft, and Embroidery art. We should inherit, create, and seek the new direction in modern multi-dimensional and international industry societyon the basis of these research results. We can inherit the long history of embroidering, weaving, fiber processing, and expand the applications of other craft industries, and develop new advanced additional values of new dress material, fashion technology, ornament craft and artistic design. Thus, other crafts assist each other and broaden the expressive field to pursue more diversified formative beauty and beautify our life abundantly together.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.197-222
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• 2009

In this treatise, the researcher closely examined the I-Xue(易學) compiled and edited by YulGok(栗谷) with a focus on the concept, namely Communication(疏通). I-Xue(易學) compiled by YulGok(栗谷) adopted the discourses of I-Xue(易學) or changes in the Song Dynasty of ancient China, and engrafted his own logics, dubbed Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙), thereunto. In YulGok(栗谷)'s I-Xue(易學), Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙) expresses a state of exchanging information and Communication(疏通), and, at this time, Communication(疏通) encompasses not only the meaning of communication between two heterogeneous factors but also the broader meaning of Communication(疏通) that embrace the Communication(疏通) between heaven and human beings. In his theories in relation to Tiyongyiyuan(體用一源) and Heluoxiangshulun(河洛象數論), YulGok(栗谷) also applied the logic of Communication(疏通). Although YulGok(栗谷) admits the general theory that substance and function have the same source, which understands principle and phenomenon as two forms of existence, he tried to place emphasis more on the aspect of Communication(疏通) by interpreting Li(理) and Xiang(象) in terms of the issues concerned with Li(理) and Jian(踐). In his theory concerned with Magic Squares and Circles, Images and Numbers, such a standpoint is being applied likewise. By emphasizing the fact that Hetu("河圖") may turn out to be Luoshu("洛書"), and vice versa, YulGok(栗谷) stressed that there are communicative relations that are required in order to communicate ideas to one another. In YulGok(栗谷)'s I-Xue(易學), the logic of Communication(疏通) is culminated with the discourse of Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與). YulGok(栗谷), in his book Ishuce(易數策), uses such expression as Tianrenjiaoyuzhimiao(天人交與之?), and, at this time, he used this expression bearing Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙) in mind. The reason for using the expression, such as Jiaoyu(交與), in lieu of Heyi(合一) is that YulGok(栗谷) tried to emphasize such relations as that heaven and humans are required for interrelated relationship. Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與) is an expression to indicate the close relationship between heaven and human beings, meanwhile, however, YulGok(栗谷) puts more emphasis on human efforts than those that of heaven. The reason for introducing human as the subjective figure in the Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與) is that YulGok(栗谷) tried to stress practical efforts of humans.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.41
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• pp.155-184
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• 2014

This Paper is research for Yulgok School(栗谷學派)'s lixue(禮學) in the first half of 17c centering around Uiremunhae(疑禮問解) and Uiremunhaesuk(疑禮問解續). Uiremunhae and Uiremunhaesuk are a book between Kim Jangsaeng(金長生) Kim Jip(金集) and his follower's questions & answers about li. A book or letter of questions & answers about li is useful for comprehension of lixue's opinion, especially questions & answers about controversial li shows their critical mind and a foundation of cognition for li. Thus I make showing then situation of Kim Jangsaeng and his follower in relates to understanding and performing Zhuxi's family rituals on analyzing questions & answers about controversial li. Kim Jangsaeng Kim Jip and his follower's characteristic of lixue are several on analyzing Uiremunhae. First, Kim Jangsaeng and his follower researched for Zhuxi's family rituals with systematic approach and in-depth research, and detailed in reference to the Classic of li, Zhuxi, Zheongyi(程?), Zangzai(張載)'s thoery of li and chinese lixue data, and Lee Hwang(李滉), Lee Yi(李珥), Song Yikpil(宋翼弼), Jeong Goo(鄭逑)'s thoery of li and korean lixue data. Next, on questions & answers about controversial li, Kim and his follower basically maintained following Zhuxi's family rituals. Zonfa, sacrificial rituals and funeral rituals are all such that, and if there happened omission and contradiction in Zhuxi's family rituals, they refered to Zhuxi's theory of li on the collected works of Zhuxi and the analects of Zhuxi and searched righteous li by historial invesigation. Then, Kim and his follower critically were in succession to Lee Yi and Song Yikpil's thoery of li. finally, They also had to considered then situation on li(Zhuxi's family rituals' li and ancient li)'s operation and actualizatin on considering principle and mind of li.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.54
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• pp.153-184
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• 2017

During the Pre-Qin(秦) Dynasty era, there were the records that there had been many calendar systems, such as $g{\check{u}}-li{\grave{u}}-l{\grave{i}}$(古六曆 : six ancient calendar systems). Then, the fact that particularly $zh{\bar{o}}u-l{\grave{i}}$(周曆) and $xi{\grave{a}}-l{\grave{i}}$(夏曆) were mainly discussed among them resulted from a lot of discussions from the differences in the calendar system in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)" known to have been written by Confucius from the calendar system in "$X{\acute{i}}ng-xi{\grave{a}}-zh{\bar{i}}-sh{\acute{i}}$(行夏之時 : implement the calendar of Ha dynasty.)" that Confucius mentioned himself to his disciple. $zh{\bar{o}}u-l{\grave{i}}$(周曆) with $d{\bar{o}}ngzh{\grave{i}}-yu{\grave{e}}$(冬至月 : the 11th month of the lunar calendar) as the first month of a year had the system of the lunar calendar, and $xi{\grave{a}}-l{\grave{i}}$(夏曆) called as the calendar of Ha(夏) dynasty had the system of $ji{\acute{e}}-q{\grave{i}}-l{\grave{i}}$(節氣曆 : a kind of the solar calendar that divides one year of 365 days into 24 solar terms) with $y{\acute{i}}n-yu{\grave{e}}$(寅月 :one month from the present Feb 5) as the first month of a year. These two calendars had definite differences in the first months of a year, names of seasons, and the lunar calendar and the solar calendar. The fundamental reason why Confucius recommended the performance of $xi{\grave{a}}-l{\grave{i}}$(夏曆) as a way to run the nation was not that it started from the philosophical view of the universe that among the 'three $zh{\bar{e}}ng$'(三正)' of $ti{\bar{a}}n-zh{\bar{e}}ng$(天正 : the first month of a year with the heaven as the standard), $d{\grave{i}}-zh{\bar{e}}ng$(地正 : the first month of a year with the earth as the standard) and $r{\acute{e}}n-zh{\bar{e}}ng$(人正 : the first month of a year with humans as the standard), but that he wanted to emphasize the importance of practical national economic policies to enhance agricultural productivity. It becomes the criterion that even though Confucius emphasized that politicians should not have moral flaws ideally, with regard to public policies, he wanted to stress politicians' duties based on the reality a lot.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.231-266
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• 2014

The main contents of Baopuzi inner chapters becomes the basis for the claim "to be achieved Xian the way people can be" named and Shenxian theory that is deployed in the center of the universe body theory with a focus on Xuan and YI and Tao and a problem of "demonstration of Shenxian exist", or ancient science that describes the Chinese alchemy and Taoism spell in other words, inner chapters are writing and how to get prescription way of Shenxian, of medicine to become a predecessors, elephant of some of the changes in the ghost apparition, the longevity, how to avoid the epidemic out of the evil. Inner chapters are presented a regimen thought, the rationale for its mystical religion and philosophy of Monasticism ship on the basis of the theory Shenxian so. Baopuzi Inner chapters is presented in detail how to reach a comprehensive and realistic Shenxian long life in prison without the pre-Qin dynasty Taoism and Qinhan dynasty and times across the Weijin dynasty Shenxian ideas. And is presented in a typical Waidan and Neidan Taoism exercise this system and that in Taoism (Regimen) Thought the important position. Thought of Regimen is very important right information Inner chapters which constitutes the establishment of an important theoretical basis Shenxian Taoism of Gehong this research right in that you can see at a glance the thought of Regimen of Inner chapters is the desperate need for this requirement. It aims to illuminate the entire look of Regimen ever appeared immediately in Inner chapters this paper. After the analysis of the body Tao theory, The theory of the body and the spirit, The theory of Xingming, The theory of Shenxian theoretical foundations of thought appeared in Inner chapters Based on this, the first one conducted regulating the qi flowing in the channels method, Daoyin method, Pranayama, Closed breath, I saw one at the specifics of regimen method such, art of controlling and swallowing breath from the mouth, Convinced, Tuna breathing, Sishenshouyi method, Jinehuandan method, Fangzhongshu. And reporting features found Inner chaptersfinally saw the spirit of Regimen weigh its value.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.215-240
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• 2018

In this paper, the contents about funeral rites in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial"(儀禮) were compared to those in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought. The most direct and systematic document related to funeral rites is "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". Some of its contents had been reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought, such as "Zuo Zhuan", "Mozi" and "Xunzi", while others didn't agree with one another. It happened because some contents had been already reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought in the process of establishing scriptures about manners including the ancient "Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial", and because, on the contrary, the contents of the books of Hundred Schools of Thought had become included in the scriptures about manners by following Confucianism. First, the basic contents of Chapter 'Mourning Clothes' in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" were generally reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought, and there are many contents in common. Most prominently, three-year-mourning for parents and a king had been enhanced in Confucianism commonly. Although Mohism opposed Confucian luxurious and long funerals (厚葬久喪), the mourning clothing system in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" can be said to have been people's universal understanding until the Spring and Autumn period at least. In addition, it has been verified that there were differences in the mourning clothes depending on the one who wore them was an adult or not both in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" and the books of Hundred Schools of Thought. On the other hand, many arguments in the contents about funeral rites reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought were different from the rules in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". In particular, the mourning clothes for parents reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought showed that there were differences depending on social positions, which was dissimilar to the regulations in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". Also, different from the mourning clothes system for parents and a king, the system for a wife and a concubine was dissimilar to the rules in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" in many ways. Since the regulations of Chapter of 'Mourning Clothes' in the present version of "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" suggest different mourning clothes and periods depending on who wears the mourning clothes and what social position the deceased had, it seems difficult to implement them strictly historically as well as at those times. Especially, while the funeral rituals for a child was relatively clear based on the parent-child relationship of "affection" and those for a king and parents were plainly regulated and emphasized, the rules of those for a vassal and a wife were absent or ambiguous in many cases. Therefore, the term of "the Theee Bonds"(三綱) appeared first in Dong Zhongshu(董仲舒)'s "Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals"(春秋繁露) that reflected the ideology of political ethics of Han Dynasty(漢代), but regarding its contents, it can be said to have been already reflected in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial".