• 한국균학회소식:학술대회논문집
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• 2018.05a
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• pp.27-27
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• 2018

The production scale of mushroom cultivation in Korea is approximately 600 billion won, which is 1.6% of the Korean gross agricultural output. Annually, ca. 190,000 tons of mushrooms are harvested in Korea. Although the numbers of mushroom farms and cultivators are constantly decreasing, the total mushroom yields are increasing due to the large-scale cultivation facilities and automation. The recent expansion of the well-being trend causes increase in mushroom consumption in Korea: annual per capita consumption of mushroom was 3.9kg ('13) that is a little higher than European's average. Thus the exports of mushrooms, mainly Flammulina velutipes and Pleurotus ostreatus, have been increased since the middle of 2000s. Recently, however, it is slightly reduced. However, Vietnam, Hong Kong, the United States, the Netherlands and continued to export, and the country has increased recently been exported to Australia, Canada, Southeast Asia and so on. Canned foods of Agaricus bisporus was the first exports of the Korean mushroom industry. This business has reached the peak of the sale in 1977-1978. As Korea initiated trade with China in 1980, the international prices of mushrooms were sharply fall that led to shrink the domestic markets. According to the high demand to develop new items to substitute for A. bisporus, oyster mushroom (Pleurotus ostreatus) was received the attention since it seems to suit the taste of Korean consumers. Although log cultivation technique was developed in the early 1970s for oyster mushroom, this method requires a great deal of labor. Thus we developed shelf cultivation technique which is easier to manage and allows the mass production. In this technique, the growing shelf is manly made from fermented rice straw, that is the unique P. ostreatus medium in the world, was used only in South Korea. After then, the use of cotton wastes as an additional material of medium, the productivity. Currently it is developing a standard cultivation techniques and environmental control system that can stably produce mushrooms throughout the year. The increase of oyster mushroom production may activate the domestic market and contribute to the industrial development. In addition, oyster mushroom production technology has a role in forming the basis of the development of bottle cultivation. Developed mushroom cultivation technology using bottles made possible the mass production. In particular, bottle cultivation method using a liquid spawn can be an opportunity to export the F.velutipes and P.eryngii. In addition, the white varieties of F.velutipes were second developed in the world after Japan. We also developed the new A.bisporus cultivar "Sae-ah" that is easy to grown in Korea. To lead the mushroom industry, we will continue to develop the cultivars with an international competitive power and to improve the cultivation techniques. Mushroom research in Korea nowadays focuses on analysis of mushroom genetics in combination with development of new mushroom varieties, mushroom physiology and cultivation. Further studied are environmental factors for cultivation, disease control, development and utilization of mushroom substrate resources, post-harvest management and improvement of marketable traits. Finally, the RDA manages the collection, classification, identification and preservation of mushroom resources. To keep up with the increasing application of biotechnology in agricultural research the genome project of various mushrooms and the draft of the genetic map has just been completed. A broad range of future studies based on this project is anticipated. The mushroom industry in Korea continually grows and its productivity rapidly increases through the development of new mushrooms cultivars and automated plastic bottle cultivation. Consumption of medicinal mushrooms like Ganoderma lucidum and Phellinus linteus is also increasing strongly. Recently, business of edible and medicinal mushrooms was suffering under over-production and problems in distribution. Fortunately, expansion of the mushroom export helped ease the negative effects for the mushroom industry.

• Proceedings of The Korean Society of Agricultural and Forest Meteorology Conference
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• 2014.10a
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• pp.1-24
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• 2014

This study uses geo-spatial crop modeling to quantify the biophysical impact of weather extremes. More specifically, the study analyzes the weather extreme which affected maize production in the USA in 2012; it also estimates the effect of a similar weather extreme in 2050, using future climate scenarios. The secondary impact of the weather extreme on food security in the developing world is also assessed using trend analysis. Many studies have reported on the significant reduction in maize production in the USA due to the extreme weather event (combined heat wave and drought) that occurred in 2012. However, most of these studies focused on yield and did not assess the potential effect of weather extremes on food prices and security. The overall goal of this study was to use geo-spatial crop modeling and trend analysis to quantify the impact of weather extremes on both yield and, followed food security in the developing world. We used historical weather data for severe extreme events that have occurred in the USA. The data were obtained from the National Climatic Data Center (NCDC) of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA). In addition we used five climate scenarios: the baseline climate which is typical of the late 20th century (2000s) and four future climate scenarios which involve a combination of two emission scenarios (A1B and B1) and two global circulation models (CSIRO-Mk3.0 and MIROC 3.2). DSSAT 4.5 was combined with GRASS GIS for geo-spatial crop modeling. Simulated maize grain yield across all affected regions in the USA indicates that average grain yield across the USA Corn Belt would decrease by 29% when the weather extremes occur using the baseline climate. If the weather extreme were to occur under the A1B emission scenario in the 2050s, average grain yields would decrease by 38% and 57%, under the CSIRO-Mk3.0 and MIROC 3.2 global climate models, respectively. The weather extremes that occurred in the USA in 2012 resulted in a sharp increase in the world maize price. In addition, it likely played a role in the reduction in world maize consumption and trade in 2012/13, compared to 2011/12. The most vulnerable countries to the weather extremes are poor countries with high maize import dependency ratios including those countries in the Caribbean, northern Africa and western Asia. Other vulnerable countries include low-income countries with low import dependency ratios but which cannot afford highly-priced maize. The study also highlighted the pathways through which a weather extreme would affect food security, were it to occur in 2050 under climate change. Some of the policies which could help vulnerable countries counter the negative effects of weather extremes consist of social protection and safety net programs. Medium- to long-term adaptation strategies include increasing world food reserves to a level where they can be used to cover the production losses brought by weather extremes.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.27-45
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• 1990

Two opposing views prevail regarding the economic impact of rural out-migration on the rural areas of origin. The optimistic neoclassical view argues that rapid rural out-migration is not detrimental to the income and welfare of the rural areas of origin, whereas Lipton (1980) argues the opposite. We developed our own alternative model for rural to urban migration, appropriate for rapidly developing economies such as Korea's. This model, which adopts international trade theories of nontraded goods and Dutch Disease to rural to urban migration issues, argues that rural to urban migration is caused mainly by two factors: first, the unprofitability of farming, and second, the decrease in demand for rural nontraded goods and the increase in demand for urban nontraded goods. The unprofitability of farming is caused by the increase in rural wages, which is induced by increasing urban wages in booming urban manufacturing sectors, and by the fact that the cost increases in farming cannot be shifted to consumers, because farm prices are fixed worldwide and because the income demand elasticity for farm products is very low. The demand for nontraded goods decreases in rural and increases in urban areas because population density and income in urban areas increase sharply, while those in rural areas decrease sharply, due to rapid rural to urban migration. Given that the market structure for nontraded goods-namely, service sectors including educational and health facilities-is mostly in monopolistically competitive, and that the demand for nontraded goods comes only from local sources, the urban service sector enjoys economies of scale, and can thus offer services at cheaper prices and in greater variety, whereas the rural service sector cannot enjoy the advantages offered by scale economies. Our view concerning the economic impact of rural to urban migration on rural areas of origin agrees with Lipton's pessimistic view that rural out-migration is detrimental to the income and welfare of rural areas. However, our reasons for the reduction of rural income are different from those in Lipton's model. Lipton argued that rural income and welfare deteriorate mainly because of a shortage of human capital, younger workers and talent resulting from selective rural out-migration. Instead, we believe that rural income declines, first, because a rapid rural-urban migration creates a further shortage of farm labor supplies and increases rural wages, and thus reduces further the profitability of farming and, second, because a rapid rural-urban migration causes a further decline of the rural service sectors. Empirical tests of our major hypotheses using Korean census data from 1966, 1970, 1975, 1980 and 1985 support our own model much more than the neoclassical or Lipton's models. A kun (county) with a large out-migration had a smaller proportion of younger working aged people in the population, and a smaller proportion of highly educated workers. But the productivity of farm workers, measured in terms of fall crops (rice) purchased by the government per farmer or per hectare of irrigated land, did not decline despite the loss of these youths and of human capital. The kun having had a large out-migration had a larger proportion of the population in the farm sector and a smaller proportion in the service sector. The kun having had a large out-migration also had a lower income measured in terms of the proportion of households receiving welfare payments or the amount of provincial taxes paid per household. The lower incomes of these kuns might explain why the kuns that experienced a large out-migration had difficulty in mechanizing farming. Our policy suggestions based on the tests of the currently prevailing hypotheses are as follows: 1) The main cause of farming difficulties is not a lack of human capital, but the in­crease in production costs due to rural wage increases combined with depressed farm output prices. Therefore, a more effective way of helping farm economies is by increasing farm output prices. However, we are not sure whether an increase in farm output prices is desirable in terms of efficiency. 2) It might be worthwhile to attempt to increase the size of farmland holdings per farm household so that the mechanization of farming can be achieved more easily. 3) A kun with large out-migration suffers a deterioration in income and welfare. Therefore, the government should provide a form of subsidization similar to the adjustment assistance provided for international trade. This assistance should not be related to the level of farm output. Otherwise, there is a possibility that we might encourage farm production which would not be profitable in the absence of subsidies. 4) Government intervention in agricultural research and its dissemination, and large-scale social overhead projects in rural areas, carried out by the Korean government, might be desirable from both efficiency and equity points of view. Government interventions in research are justified because of the problems associated with the appropriation of knowledge, and government actions on large-scale projects are justified because they required collective action.

• Horticultural Science & Technology
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• v.29 no.6
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• pp.645-650
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• 2011

Pear cultivar 'Supergold' (Pyrus pyrifolia var. culta Nakai) was originated from the cross between 'Chuwhangbae' and 'Manpungbae' with the aims of improving the fruit quality of 'Chuwhangbae' cultivar at Pear Research Station of National Institute of Horticultural & Herbal Science, Rural Development Administration in 1994. 'Supergold' was preliminarily selected in 2002 and named in 2008. The tree shows a vigorous growth habit and semi-spread characters like as 'Manpungbae'. Furthermore, it has sufficient flowers and carries abundant pollen grains, so it can also be used as a pollinator. 'Supergold' is highly resistant to black leaf spot (Alternaria kikuchiana) in the field condition. The optimum harvest time is around Sep. 11th, which is ahead of 'Whangkeumbae' about 5 days in the harvest period. The fruit shape is oblate and fruit skin color is greenish-white at harvesting time. The average weight of fruit is 570 g, and the soluble solids content is $13.6\;^{\circ}Brix$. The flesh is very soft and juicy, and renders good eating quality. Shelf life is about 6 months under the cold storage condition. To determine the self-incompatibility (SI) genotype of 'Supergold' pear cultivar, it was crossed with other cultivars of which SI genotypes have already known. The result of cross-pollinations of 'Supergold' with other cultivars showed relatively high rates of fruit set from 64.5% to 91.0%, except for the cross with pollens of 'Nijisseiki' that represented only 28.8% of fruiting rate. Although sometimes the stigma of 'Supergold' crossed with 'Hayatama', 'Chojuro', and 'Nijisseiki' showed malformed pollen tube tips, 'Supergold' is generally supposed to have cross-compatibility with all other pollen donor cultivars. It is considered that the S-allele of 'Supergold' is $S_3S_4$, which is based on the result of PCR-RFLP.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.69-91
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• 1990

A major change in tariff rates was made in January 1989 in Korea. The benchmark tariff rate, which applies to about two thirds of all commodity items, was lowered to 15 percent from 20 percent. In addition, the variation in tariff rates among different types of commodities was reduced. This paper examines the economic impact of the tariff reform using a multisectoral general equilibrium model of the Korean economy which was introduced by Lee and Chang(1988), and by Lee(1988). More specifically, this paper attempts to find the changes in imports, exports, domestic production, consumption, prices, and employment in 31 different sectors of the economy induced by the reform in tariff rates. The policy simulations are made according to three different methods. First, tariff changes in industries are calculated strictly according to the change in legal tariff rates, which tend to over-estimate the size of the tariff reduction given the tariff-drawback system and tariff exemption applied to various import items. Second, tariff changes in industries are obtained by dividing the estimated tariff revenues of each industry by the estimated imports for that industry, which are often called actual tariff rates. According to the first method, the import-weighted average tariff rate is lowered from 15.2% to 10.2%, while the second method changes the average tariff rate from 6.2% to 4.2%. In the third method, the tariff-drawback system is internalized in the model. This paper reports the results of the policy simulation according to all three methods, comparing them with one another. It is argued that the second method yields the most realistic estimate of the changes in macro-economic variables, while the third method is useful in delineating the differences in impact across industries. The findings, according to the second method, show that the tariff reform induces more imports in most sectors. Garments, leather products, and wood products are those industries in which imports increase by more than 5 percent. On the other hand, imports in agricultural, mining and service sectors are least affected. Domestic production increases in all sectors except the following: leather products, non-metalic products, chemicals, paper and paper products, and wood-product industries. The increase in production and employment is largest in export industries, followed by service industries. An impact on macroeconomic variables is also simulated. The tariff reform increases nominal GNP by 0.26 percent, lowers the consumer price index by 0.49 percent, increases employment by 0.24 percent, and worsens the trade balance by 480 million US dollars, through a rise in exports of 540 million US dollars and a rise in imports of 1.02 billion US dollars.

• Korean Journal of Food Science and Technology
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• v.46 no.4
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• pp.395-403
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• 2014

This study aimed to investigate the activities of phytochemical and bioactive components from 24 new varieties of red pepper obtained by crossbreeding different Korean red pepper lines. The ASTA (American Spice Trade Association) color values ranged from 116.69 to 249.83 and the total carotenoid content ranged from 3.19 to 6.11 mg/g dried red pepper. The free sugar content ranged from 43.41 to 199.54 mg/g, and the fructose content was found to be higher than the glucose content. The ascorbic acid, total polyphenol, and flavonoid contents were found to be 8.08-11.53 mg/g, 7.93-14.26 mg gallic acid/g, and 4.24-10.07 mg quercetin/g dried pepper, respectively. Overall, the total polyphenol contents of the new varieties were found to be higher than the average content of Korean red peppers. The total capsaicinoid content in the new varieties varied widely from 0.42 to 237.87 mg/100 g dried pepper. The pepper-methanol extract antioxidant activities of 'variety 2, 4, 8, 9' were higher than others. A high correlation was observed between the antioxidant activities and the polyphenol contents (r=0.804, r=0.701).

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.36
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• pp.347-377
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• 2003

China is a country with large agricultural areas and subject to frequent calamities. Drought is the top of them. It has been a key problem for development of agriculture in the country. In the long struggle against drought, Chinese have accumulated many rational and irrational experiences. The Dragon Kings Belief, which is popular in North China and discussed in a thesis, is one of their irrational experiences. The belief was passed together with Buddhism from India to China in the Tang Dynasty. After it settled down, it was incorporated with the local five dragons belief and a set of beliefs in dragon kings came into existence. The emergence of the dragon kings belief ended the history that the title of rain got was not clear in China and Dragon kings finally got the status. Irrigation is the lifeblood of agriculture in China. In a Chinese mind, Dragon kings are the most important gods who take charge of rain and thus offer the lifeblood. In understanding the nature and characteristics of Chinese traditional culture, it is important for us to make clear the origin and evolution of the belief, find out its nature, function and operation. In the every year beginning of February of the Fanzhuang calendar in the people of Hebeisheng Zhaoxian, would all hold a festival to offer sacrifices to the $^{{\circ}TM}^{\prime}longpai$. Longpai was regarded as the core of the temple fair, thus the native sons came to call this festival; "longpaihui". In this region the'Fanzhuang longpaihui'developed into a well knownand grand temple fair. It was able to attract numerous pilgrims with its special magic power, occupying a place in $China^{{\circ}TM}$ 'eryueer'festival with festive dragon activities. The dragon is a common totem among Chinese nationals. The belief worship of the dragon dates from the start time of primitive societies. Dragon oneself the ancients worship's thunder lightning. In the worship of the great universe, at first afterwards this belief with the tribe's totem worships to combine to become the animal spirit. In ancient myths legends, along with folk religion and beliefs all hold a very important position. The longpaihui is a temple fair without a temple; this characteristic is a distinction between longpaihui and other temple fairs. As for longpaihui must of the early historical records are unclear. The originator of a huitou system has a kind of organized form of the special features rather, originator of a huitou not fix constant, everything follows voluntarily principle, can become member with the freedom, also can back at any time the meeting. There is a longpaihui for 'dangjiaren', is total representative director in the originator of a huitou will. 'banghui' scope particularly for extensive, come apparently every kind of buildup that help can return into the banghui, where is the person of this village or outside village of, the general cent in banghui work is clear and definite, for longpaihui would various businesses open smoothly the exhibition provides to guarantees powerfully. Fanzhuang longpaihui from the beginning of February to beginning six proceed six days totally. The longpai is used as the ancestry absolute being to exsits with the community absolute being at the same time in fanzhuang first took civil faith, in reality is a kind of method to support social machine in native folks realize together that local community that important function, it provided a space, a kind of a view to take with a relation, rising contact, communication, solidify the community contents small village, formation with fanzhuang. The fanzhuang is used as supplies for gathering town, by luck too is this local community trade exchanges center at the same time therefore can say the faith of the longpai, in addition to its people's custom, religious meaning, still have got the important and social function. Moreover matter worthy of mentioning, Longpai would in organize process, from prepare and plan the producing of meeting every kind of meeting a longpeng of the matter do, all letting person feeling is to adjust the popular support of, get the mass approbation with positive participate. Apart from the originator of a huitou excluding, those although not originator of a huitou, however enthusiasm participate the banghui of its business, also is too much for the number.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.5
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• pp.32-51
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• 2023

Because red ginseng was exported in large quantities to the Qing Dynasty in the 19th century, a large-scale ginseng cultivation complex was established in Kaesong. Sibyunje (時邊制), a privately led loan system unique to merchants in Kaesong, made it possible for them to raise the enormous capital required for ginseng cultivation. The imperial family of the Korean Empire promulgated the Posamgyuchik (包蔘規則) in 1895, and this signaled the start of the red ginseng monopoly system. In 1899, when the invasion of ginseng farms by the Japanese became severe, the imperial soldiers were sent to guard the ginseng farms to prevent the theft of ginseng by the Japanese. Furthermore, the stateled compensation mission, Baesanggeum Seongyojedo (賠償金 先交制度), provided 50%-90% of the payment for raw ginseng, which was paid in advance of harvest. In 1895, rising seed prices prompted some merchants to import and sell poor quality seeds from China and Japan. The red ginseng trade order was therefore promulgated in 1920 to prohibit the import of foreign seeds without the government's permission. In 1906-1910, namely, the early period of Japanese colonial rule, ginseng cultivation was halted, and the volume of fresh ginseng stocked as a raw material for red ginseng in 1910 was only 2,771 geun (斤). However, it increased significantly to 10,000 geun between 1915 and 1919 and to 150,000 geun between 1920 and 1934. These increases in the production of fresh ginseng as a raw material for red ginseng were the result of various policies implemented in 1908 with the aim of fostering the ginseng industry, such as prior disclosure of the compensation price for fresh ginseng, loans for cultivation expenditure in new areas, and the payment of incentives to excellent cultivators. Nevertheless, the ultimate goal of Japanese imperialism at the time was not to foster the growth of Korean ginseng farming, but to finance the maintenance of its colonial management using profits from the red ginseng business.