• 대한음성학회지:말소리
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• 제35_36호
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• pp.13-24
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• 1998

This study aims at examining the relationship between tonal events and their related vowel and syllable duration in Korean. Two things were investigated: one is to see if there is a hierarchical relationship in prosodic unit-final-lengthening and the other is to see if accentual phrase initial high tone syllable gets lengthened. Generally, higher prosodic units show larger degree of lengthening of the final vowel and also final syllable duration than the lower ones except for accentual phrase: Mean duration of utterance-final or intonational-phrase-final syllable(and its vowels) was longer than that of accentual-phrase-final or word-final syllable(and its vowels). However, mean duration of accentual phrase final syllable was shorter than that of word final syllable. Mean vowel duration of accentual phrase initial high tone syllable was shorter than that of any other prosodic unit. Its mean syllable duration, however, was longer than that of accentual-phrase-final or word-final syllable, indicating that strong consonants(fortis and aspirated) frequently appear in the accentual phrase initial position and this position is a prosodically strong position showing longer duration as well as high tone.

• 말소리와 음성과학
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.75-84
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• 2009

The aim of this paper is to find an adequate method to study declination in Korean. In previous studies of declination in Korean, maximum and minimum pitch values in an accentual phrase were measured. But this method is inadequate when an accentual phrase is located at the intonational phrase. So in order to exclude the final tone of an intonational phrase, we propose to measure pitch values of the first and second tone in an accentual phrase when the tonal pattern of the accentual phrase is 'LHLH'. In this case, the line that connects every first tone of an accentual phrase is the baseline, and the line that connects every second tone of an accentual phrase is the topline. By a comparison of declination between focused and neutral utterances, we will show that the topline of declination is more direct to the speaker's plan than the baseline.

• 말소리와 음성과학
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• 제6권4호
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• pp.117-123
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• 2014

This study investigated the intonation patterns of accentual phrase in Jeju dialect. 9 speakers (Experiment 1) and 6 speakers (Experiment 2) read a carrier sentence '__ youngah miwonghumnida' with a target accentual phrase varying its number of syllables from 1 to 8. The results showed that like Seoul dialect pattern could be the basic pattern of accentual phase in Jeju dialect even though several differences were observed in the realization of each tone: Flat staircase-like tones in L, M, and even in H were often observed, and a very small difference in F0 between intial L and +H was found in many speakers. For some of these differences, this paper tried to give an explanation still in the Intonational Phonology framework. However, introducing M tone as a lexical tone was also suggested as one possible solution. Finally, unlike Seoul dialect, most speakers showed pattern in an accentual phrase beginning with a strong consonant, i.e., aspirated and unaspirated obstruents including /h/ and /s/.

• 음성과학
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• 제14권3호
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• pp.7-19
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• 2007

The present study investigated some phonetic attributes which distinguish two Korean stop types $^-aspirated$ and $lax^-$ in a prosodic position which has previously received little attention, namely medial in an accentual phrase. The intonational pattern across syllables which are initial in an accentual phrase (Jun, 1993) is said to depend on the type of stop (aspirated or lax), while that of syllables which are medial in an accentual phrase are not. In Experiment 1, nine native Korean speakers read sentences with a controlled prosodic pattern in which aspirated or lax stops occurred in accentual phrase-medial position. Acoustic analysis revealed significant differences between aspirated and lax stops in closure duration, voice-onset time, and fundamental frequency (F0) values for post-stop vowels. The results indicate that a wider range of acoustic cues distinguish aspirated and lax Korean stops than previously demonstrated. Phonetic and phonological models of consonant-tone interactions for Korean will need to be revised to account for these results.

• 대한음성학회:학술대회논문집
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• 대한음성학회 2004년도 춘계 학술대회 발표논문집
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• pp.165-170
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• 2004

The aim of this paper is to study the relation between Eojeol and prosodic phrase in Korean. Depending on two adnominal ending form in Korean '-ㄴ' and '-ㄹ', there are some different prosodic phrase: 1) $1{\sim}2$ syllable eojeols : '-ㄴ' has none prosodic phrase in front of the eojeol, an accentual phrase in the end of the eojeol. In contrast, '-ㄹ' has an accentual phrase in front of the eojeol, but none in the end of the eojeol. 2) More than 3 syllable eojeols : '-ㄴ' have accentual phrases on the edge of the eojeol. but '-ㄹ' has an accentual phrase in the end of the eojeol.

• 음성과학
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• 제8권3호
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• pp.15-30
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• 2001

Lateralization, the change of a coronal nasal into a lateral in an l-n sequence, has been considered to be prosodically unrestricted, e.g. an utterance-span rule, in Korean (Han 1993, Park 1990). However, aerodynamic data of the nasal do not corroborate their claims. In the paper, I look at how lateralization can best be characterized. Specifically, I ask whether its domain is best treated via a syntax-based (Nespor & Vogel 1986, Selkirk 1984) or an intonation-based approach (Pierrehumbert 1980, Jun 1993) to prosodic structure. Based on nasal airflow data as a means of monitoring velum activity coincident with a nasal stop in an l-n sequence, combined with pitch tracks to define an accentual phrase, I argue that lateralization is neither an utterance-span rule nor a syntax-based rule. Sentences recorded with a potential environment for lateralization show that lateralization occurs within an accentural phrase but is blocked between accentual phrase boundaries. When intonation-based and syntax-based models disagree about phrase boundaries, lateralization only occurs where the intonation-based model predicts it will. This indicates that lateralization is best defined as an accentual pheonomenon, being sensitive to the accentual phrase. This finding lends further support to an intonation-based model for Korean prosodic structure (Jun 1993).

• 한국음향학회지
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• 제24권2호
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• pp.117-126
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• 2005

본 연구는 대용량 데이터베이스 분석을 통한 한국어의 운을 특성 규명을 시도하였다. 남녀 화자 1명씩 각각 낭독한 650개의 뉴스기사 문장 (총 1,300 개)은 분절음 레이블링과 운율 레이블링을 한 후, 각 운율단위의 성조유형과 크기, 상위운율단위의 크기와 하위 운율단위 수간의 상관관계, 그리고 강세구의 하강곡선과 상승곡선의 기울기와 F0 값에 대한 비교분석을 수행하였다. 운율단위의 지속시간, 어절수, 음절수와 하위 운율단위의 수는 화자뿐만 아니라 운율단위 위치에 따라서 차이를 보였으며 하위 운율단위의 수는 상위 운율단위의 음절수와 지속시간과 높은 상관관계를 보였다. 강세구 내의 하강곡선의 기울기는 강세구 음절수와 반비례 관계를 보였으며 강세구 첫 성조의 유형에 따라 기울기 값에 차이가 있었다. 이 차이는 고성조로 시작한 강세구 성조의 F0 상승과 성조 간 상승 폭의 차이로 설명할 수 있었다. 강세구 경계의 하강곡선은 일정하면서 강세구 내의 하강곡선에 비해 다소 급격한 기울기를 보였다. 강세구 내의 두 상승곡선은 유사한 기지값을 보였으나 강세구 시작 상승곡선의 F0 변화량이 끝 상승곡선의 F0 변화량보다 크게 나타났다. 그리고 하나의 상승곡선이 강세구를 이루는 L Ha의 경우에는 강세구의 음절수에 반비례 관계를 보였다.

• The Journal of the Acoustical Society of Korea
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• 제23권1E호
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• pp.10-15
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• 2004

In performing speech conversion from a source speaker to a target speaker, it is important that the pitch contour of the source speakers utterance be converted into that of the target speaker, because pitch contour of a speech utterance plays an important role in expressing speaker's individuality and meaning of the utterance. This paper describes statistical algorithms of pitch contour conversion for Korean language. Pitch contour conversions are investigated at two 1 evels of prosodic phrases: intonational phrase and accentual phrase. The basic algorithm is a Gaussian normalization [7] in intonational phrase. The first presented algorithm is combined with a declination-line of pitch contour in an intonational phrase. The second one is Gaussian normalization within accentual phrases to compensate for local pitch variations. Experimental results show that the algorithm of Gaussian normalization within accentual phrases is significantly more accurate than the other two algorithms in intonational phrase.

• 음성과학
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• 제14권4호
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• pp.25-39
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• 2007

The present study investigated some perceptual phonetic attributes of two Korean stop types, aspirated and lax, in medial position of an accentual phrase. The intonational pattern across syllables (Jun, 1993) is argued to depend on the type of stop (aspirated vs. lax) only in the initial position of an accentual phrase. In Kang & Dilley (2007), we showed that significant differences between aspirated and lax stops in medial position of an accentual phrase exist in closure duration, voice-onset time, and fundamental frequency (F0) values for post-stop vowels. In the present perception experiment, we investigated whether these phonetic attributes contribute to the perception of these two types of stops: The closure durations and/or F0's of post-stop vowels on accentual-phrase medial words were altered and twenty native Korean speakers then judged these words as beginning with an aspirated or lax stop. Both closure duration and F0 significantly affected judgments of stop identity. These results indicate that a wider range of acoustic cues that distinguish aspirated and lax Korean stops in production also plays a role in perception. To account for these results we suggest some phonetic and phonological models of consonant-tone interactions for Korean.

• 음성과학
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• 제11권1호
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• pp.31-42
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• 2004

This paper presents methods using Gaussian normalization for converting pitch contours based on prosodic phrases along with experimental tests on the Korean database of 16 declarative sentences and the first sentences of the story of 'The Three Little Pigs'. We propose a new conversion method using Gaussian normalization to the pitch deviation of pitch contour subtracted by partial declination lines: by using partial declination lines for each accentual phrase of pitch contour, we avoid the problem that a Gaussian normalization using average values and standard deviations of intonational phrase tends to lose individual local variability and thus cannot modify individual characteristics of pitch contour from a source speaker to a target speaker. From the results of the experiments, we show that this slanted Gaussian normalization using these declination lines subtracted from pitch contour of accentual phrases can modify pitch contour more accurately than other methods using Gaussian normalization.