• Title/Summary/Keyword: 2D 지도

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Therapeutic Effect of Anti-Rotavirus Chicken Egg Yolk Immunoglobulin(IgY) on Diarrhea by Infection of Rotavirus (로타바이러스 감염성 설사에 대한 항-로타바이러스 난황항체의 치료 효과)

  • Lim, In Seok;Lee, Ho Seok;Kim, Wonyong;Choi, Eung Sang;Jung, Dong Hyuk;Jung, Hoo Kil;Yun, Sung Seob;Chun, Ho Nam
    • Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
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    • v.48 no.12
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    • pp.1354-1361
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    • 2005
  • Purpose : Rotavirus is an enteric pathogen that affects millions of children globally each year. But no specific therapy is available for the management of rotavirus diarrhea. Due to the clear need to define improved modality for treatment of rotavirus diarrhea, we evaluated the efficacy of antirotavirus IgY in the treatment of infants and children with gastroenteritis. Methods : First, the amount of viral particle in the stools of thirteen patients(seven were given IgY, 6 placebo) infected by rotavirus were evaluated for 3 days with the quantitative RT-PCR method. Second, 36 children with known rotavirus infection identified by ELISA or semi-quantitative RT-PCR were evaluated. We gave 5 g anti-rotavirus egg yolk daily in two equally divided doses for 3 days to two groups(an 18 IgY group and an 18 placebo group), respectively after parenteral consent. Daily vomiting frequency, stool frequency, oral intake and urine output were monitored for 3 days, and electrolyte and blood chemistry were checked at the first and third days. Results : First, in the placebo group, the amount of virus particles increased daily, but in the IgY group it decreased daily. Second, when IgY and placebos were given to children infected with rotavirus, diarrhea on the third day decreased significantly in the IgY group, compared with the placebo group. Conclusion : Treatment with antirotavirus immunoglobulin from immunized chicken's egg resulted in a decrease in the amount of viral particles in stools and diarrhea frequency in children. These results suggest that anti-rotavirus IgY is effective in the treatment of rotavirus gastroenteritis.

Effect of Temperature on Hatchability of Overwintering Eggs and Nymphal Development of Pochazia shantungensis (Hemiptera: Ricaniidae) (갈색날개매미충(Pochazia shantungensis) 월동알 부화와 약충 발육에 미치는 온도의 영향)

  • Choi, Duck-Soo;Ko, Sug-Ju;Ma, Kyeong-Cheul;Kim, Hyo-Jeong;Lee, Jin-Hee;Kim, Do-Ik
    • Korean journal of applied entomology
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    • v.55 no.4
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    • pp.453-457
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    • 2016
  • This study investigates the hatching periods and hatchability of the eggs of Pochazia shantungensis at different collection times from 2011 to 2014, and the effect of temperature on the growth of P. shantungensis nymphs in an area of its outbreak. The hatchability of P. shantungensis eggs varies with their collection time; their hatchability in late November was higher than that in March of the next year, but no difference was observed in their hatching periods. The hatching periods of the eggs were 51.2, 31.3, 24.8, 19.4, 17.1, and 19.4 days at 15, 18, 21, 24, 27, and $30^{\circ}C$, respectively. The hatchability was above 70% at temperatures ranging from 18 to $27^{\circ}C$. The hatching time of the overwintered eggs in the Gurye region in Korea was reduced by 9 days from 2011 to 2014. The hatching rate was relatively higher when the average temperature in the winter season was relatively warmer. The dvelopmental periods of the first to fifth nymphs were 82.8, 58.0, 45.8, and 39.6 days at 18, 21, 24, and $27^{\circ}C$, respectively, at the relative humidity of 40~70%, and a photoperiod off 14 h light:10 h dark. The higher the temperature, the shorter the developmental period. At $30^{\circ}C$, all life stages after the fourth nymph died. Thus, the optimum growth temperature was estimated to be $27^{\circ}C$. For all life stages from the egg to the fourth nymph, the relationship between the temperature and developmental rate was expressed by the linear equation Y = 0.0015 X - 0.014. The lower developmental threshold was $9.3^{\circ}C$ and the effective cumulative temperature was 693.3 degree-days. The lower developmental threshold of approximately $3.8^{\circ}C$ was the lowest at the fourth nymph stage.

A Study on Trust Transfer in Traditional Fintech of Smart Banking (핀테크 서비스에서 오프라인에서 온라인으로의 신뢰전이에 관한 연구 - 스마트뱅킹을 중심으로 -)

  • Ai, Di;Kwon, Sun-Dong;Lee, Su-Chul;Ko, Mi-Hyun;Lee, Bo-Hyung
    • Management & Information Systems Review
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    • v.36 no.3
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    • pp.167-184
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    • 2017
  • In this study, we investigated the effect of offline banking trust on smart banking trust. As influencing factors of smart banking trust, this study compared offline banking trust, smart banking's system quality, and information quality. For the empirical study, 186 questionnaire data were collected from smart banking users and the data were analyzed using Smart-PLS 2.0. As results, it was verified that there is trust transfer in FinTech service, by the significant effect of offline banking trust on smart banking trust. And it was proved that the effect of offline banking trust on smart banking trust is lower than that of smart banking itself. The contribution of this study can be seen in both academic and industrial aspects. First, it is the contribution of the academic aspect. Previous studies on banking were focused on either offline banking or smart banking. But this study, focus on the relationship between offline banking and online banking, proved that offline banking trust affects smart banking trust. Next, it is the industrial contribution. This study showed that offline banking characteristics of traditional commercial banks affect the trust of emerging smart banking service. This means that the emerging FinTech companies are not advantageous in the competition of trust building compared to traditional commercial banks. Unlike traditional commercial banks, the emerging FinTech is innovating the convenience of customers by arming them with new technologies such as mobile Internet, social network, cloud technology, and big data. However, these FinTech strengths alone can not guarantee sufficient trust needed for financial transactions, because banking customers do not change a habit or an inertia that they already have during using traditional banks. Therefore, emerging FinTech companies should strive to create destructive value that reflects the connection with various Internet services and the strength of online interaction such as social services, which have an advantage over customer contacts. And emerging FinTech companies should strive to build service trust, focused on young people with low resistance to new services.

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Analysis of Spatial Correlation between Surface Temperature and Absorbed Solar Radiation Using Drone - Focusing on Cool Roof Performance - (드론을 활용한 지표온도와 흡수일사 간 공간적 상관관계 분석 - 쿨루프 효과 분석을 중심으로 -)

  • Cho, Young-Il;Yoon, Donghyeon;Lee, Moung-Jin
    • Korean Journal of Remote Sensing
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    • v.38 no.6_2
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    • pp.1607-1622
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    • 2022
  • The purpose of this study is to determine the actual performance of cool roof in preventing absorbed solar radiation. The spatial correlation between surface temperature and absorbed solar radiation is the method by which the performance of a cool roof can be understood and evaluated. The research area of this study is the vicinity of Jangyu Mugye-dong, Gimhae-si, Gyeongsangnam-do, where an actual cool roof is applied. FLIR Vue Pro R thermal infrared sensor, Micasense Red-Edge multi-spectral sensor and DJI H20T visible spectral sensor was used for aerial photography, with attached to the drone DJI Matrice 300 RTK. To perform the spatial correlation analysis, thermal infrared orthomosaics, absorbed solar radiation distribution maps were constructed, and land cover features of roof were extracted based on the drone aerial photographs. The temporal scope of this research ranged over 9 points of time at intervals of about 1 hour and 30 minutes from 7:15 to 19:15 on July 27, 2021. The correlation coefficient values of 0.550 for the normal roof and 0.387 for the cool roof were obtained on a daily average basis. However, at 11:30 and 13:00, when the Solar altitude was high on the date of analysis, the difference in correlation coefficient values between the normal roof and the cool roof was 0.022, 0.024, showing similar correlations. In other time series, the values of the correlation coefficient of the normal roof are about 0.1 higher than that of the cool roof. This study assessed and evaluated the potential of an actual cool roof to prevent solar radiation heating a rooftop through correlation comparison with a normal roof, which serves as a control group, by using high-resolution drone images. The results of this research can be used as reference data when local governments or communities seek to adopt strategies to eliminate the phenomenon of urban heat islands.

Effect of Different Cultivating Method on Growth, Yield in Rice Variety (재배방법의 차기가 수도 품종의 생육.수량에 미치는 영향)

  • Lee, J.S.;Lo, T.H.;Moon, C.S.;Suh, H.Y.;Park, K.D.;Jo, J.S.
    • KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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    • v.14
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    • pp.159-164
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    • 1973
  • This study was carried out in the central part of Korea for three years from 1970 to 1972. Its aim was to investigate the variations of growth and yield of rice varieties of different cultivating methods (transplanting culture, direct sowing culture on irrigated paddy field, and direct sowing culture on non-irrigated paddy field. The results could be summarized as follows; 1. The number of days from sowing to heading by direct sowing culture on irrigated paddy field was remarkably shorter than transplanting culture. Direct sowing culture on non-irrigated paddy field was longer than transplanting culture. 2. The number of panicles showed direct sowing culture on irrigated paddy field was first, direct sowing culture on non-irrigated paddy field was second, and third transplanting culture. But the number of spikelets per panicle was first on the transplanting culture, second on the direct sowing culture on non-irrigated paddy field and third on the direct sowing culture on irrigated paddy field. 3. The weight of the brown rice showed that direct sowing culture on irrigated paddy field produced the highest yield among the cultivating method in all varieties. The transplanting culture increased more than the direct sowing culture on non-irrigated paddy field. The highly productive varieties were Sadominory, Akibale, Suwon 213-1 when the direct sowing culture on irrigated paddy field was used. 4. The correlation between the brown rice yield and the yield components were as follows; in each cultivating method, it showed highly significant positive correlation between the brown rice yield and the 1, 000 grain weight of hulled rice, and between the brown rice yield and the number of the spiklets per panicle in the transplanting culture, in the direct sowing culture On irrigated paddy field between the brown rice yield and the number of spikelets per panicle and between the brown rice yield and the number of panicles, in direct sowing culture on non-irrigated paddy field between the brown rice yield and number of panicles. 5. It showed highly significant negative correlation between the brown rice yield and the number of days from sowing to heading in the direct sowing culture on irrigated and non-irrigated paddy field, but it was showed very low negative correlation in the transplant culture.

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Mapping the Research Landscape of Wastewater Treatment Wetlands: A Bibliometric Analysis and Comprehensive Review (폐수 처리 위한 습지의 연구 환경 매핑: 서지학적 분석 및 종합 검토)

  • C. C. Vispo;N. J. D. G. Reyes;H. S. Choi;M.S. Jeon;L. H. Kim
    • Journal of Wetlands Research
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    • v.25 no.2
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    • pp.145-158
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    • 2023
  • Constructed wetlands (CWs) are effective technologies for urban wastewater management, utilizing natural physico-chemical and biological processes to remove pollutants. This study employed a bibliometric analysis approach to investigate the progress and future research trends in the field of CWs. A comprehensive review of 100 most-recently published and open-access articles was performed to analyze the performance of CWs in treating wastewater. Spain, China, Italy, and the United States were among the most productive countries in terms of the number of published papers. The most frequently used keywords in publications include water quality (n=19), phytoremediation (n=13), stormwater (n=11), and phosphorus (n=11), suggesting that the efficiency of CWs in improving water quality and removal of nutrients were widely investigated. Among the different types of CWs reviewed, hybrid CWs exhibited the highest removal efficiencies for BOD (88.67%) and TSS (95.67%), whereas VSSF, and HSSF systems also showed high TSS removal efficiencies (83.25%, and 78.83% respectively). VSSF wetland displayed the highest COD removal efficiency (71.82%). Generally, physical processes (e.g., sedimentation, filtration, adsorption) and biological mechanisms (i.e., biodegradation) contributed to the high removal efficiency of TSS, BOD, and COD in CW systems. The hybrid CW system demonstrated highest TN removal efficiency (60.78%) by integrating multiple treatment processes, including aerobic and anaerobic conditions, various vegetation types, and different media configurations, which enhanced microbial activity and allowed for comprehensive nitrogen compound removal. The FWS system showed the highest TP removal efficiency (54.50%) due to combined process of settling sediment-bound phosphorus and plant uptake. Phragmites, Cyperus, Iris, and Typha were commonly used in CWs due to their superior phytoremediation capabilities. The study emphasized the potential of CWs as sustainable alternatives for wastewater management, particularly in urban areas.

Efficacy evaluation dental plaque and halitosis removal of mouthwash containing sodium chloride (염화나트륨 함유 구중청량제의 치면세균막 및 구취 제거 효능평가)

  • Lee, Jong-Cheon;Cho, Ja-Won;Yoo, Hyun-Jun;Kim, Chan-Ho;Choe, Byeong-Gi
    • Journal of Dental Rehabilitation and Applied Science
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    • v.38 no.1
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    • pp.1-8
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    • 2022
  • Purpose: The purpose of this study was to evaluate the effects of mouthwash containing sodium chloride on dental plaque, gingival inflammation index, and bad breath through clinical trials. Materials and Methods: This trial was designed as 12 weeks and subjects were instructed to put an appropriate amount of the provided standard detergent on a toothbrush and brush their teeth 3 times a day. They were instructed to gargle a mouthwash provided to each group after brushiung. Efficacy was evaluated by performing gingival and periodontal-related index tests, dental plaque changes, and bad breath tests a total of 5 times. All data were statistically analyzed using 2-sample t-test, paired t-test to compare between groups at 95% significance level using IBM SPSS Statistics 24.0. Results: As a result of the PMA index measurement, the gingivitis improvement effect rate of the experimental group compared to the control group was 107.63% after 8 weeks and 73.08% after 12 weeks. As a result of the PHP index measurement, the plaque improvement effect rate of the experimental group compared to the control group was 79.37% after 8 weeks and 74.06% after 12 weeks. As a result of measuring volatile sulfur compounds using Oral Chroma, the effectiveness of improvement in bad breath in the experimental group was 65.06% after 8 weeks and 99.33% after 12 weeks, compared to the control group. Conclusion: As a result of this study, it was confirmed that effective gingivitis alleviation, plaque removal effect and bad breath removal effect can be expected when a mouthwash containing sodium chloride, green tea extract, and sodium monofluorophosphate is used.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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Studies on the ecological variations of rice plant under the different seasonal cultures -I. Variations of the various agronomic characteristics of rice plant under the different seasonal cultures- (재배시기 이동에 의한 수도의 생태변이에 관한 연구 -I. 재배시기 이동에 의한 수도의 실용제형질의 변이-)

  • Hyun-Ok Choi
    • KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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    • v.3
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    • pp.1-40
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    • 1965
  • To measure variations in some of the important agronomic characteristics of rice varieties under shifting of seedling dates, this study has been carried out at the Paddy Crop Division of Crop Experiment Station(then Agricultural Experiment Station) in Suwon for the period of three years 1958 to 1960. The varieties used in this study were Kwansan, Suwon #82, Mojo, Paltal and Chokwang, which have the different agronomic characteristics such as earliness and plant type. Seeds of each variety were sown at 14 different dates in 10-day interval starting on March 2. The seedlings were grown on seed bed for 30, 40, 50, 60, 70 and 80 days, respectively. The results of this study are as follows: A. Heading dates. 1. As the seeding date was delayed, the heading dates was almost proportionally delayed. The degree of delay was higher in early varieties and lower in late varieties and the longer the seedling stage, the more delayed the heading date. 2. Number of days to heading was proportionally lessened as seeding was delayed in all the varieties but the magnitude varied depending upon variety. In other words, the required period for heading in case of late planting was much shortened in late variety compared with early one. Within a variety, the number of days to heading was less shortened as the seedling stage was prolonged. Early variety reached earlier than late variety to the marginal date for the maximum shortening of days to heading and the longer the seeding stage, the limitted date came earlier. There was a certain limit in seeding date for shortening of days to heading as seeding was delayed, and days to heading were rather prolonged due to cold weather when seeded later than that date. 3. In linear regression equation, Y=a+bx obtained from the seeding dates and the number of days to heading, the coefficient b(shortening rate of days to heading) was closely correlated with the average number of days to heading. That is, the period from seeding to heading was more shortened in late variety than early one as seeding was delayed. 4. To the extent that the seedling stage is not so long and there is a linear relationship between delay of seeding and shortening of days to heading, it might be possible to predict heading date of a rice variety to be sown any date by using the linear regression obtained from variation of heading dates under the various seeding dates of the same variety. 5. It was found out that there was a close correlation between the numbers of days to heading in ordinary culture and the other ones. When a rice variety was planted during the period from the late part of March to the middle of June and the seedling ages were within 30 to 50 days, it could be possible to estimate heading date of the variety under late or early culture with the related data of ordinary culture. B. Maturing date. 6. Within (he marginal date for maturation of rice variety, maturing date was proportionally delayed as heading was delayed. Of course, the degree of delay depended upon varieties and seedling ages. The average air temperature (Y) during the ripening period of rice variety was getting lower as the heading date. (X) was delayed. Though there was a difference among varieties, in general, a linear regression equation(y=25.53-0.182X) could be obtained as far as heading date were within August 1 to September 13. 7. Depending upon earliness of a rice variety, the average air temperature during the ripening period were greatly different. Early variety underwent under 28$^{\circ}C$ in maximum while late variety matured under as low as 22$^{\circ}C$. 8. There was a highly significant correlation between the average air temperature (X) during the ripening period, and number of day (Y) for the maturation. And the relationship could be expressed as y=82.30-1.55X. When the average air temperature during the period was within the range of 18$^{\circ}C$ to 28$^{\circ}C$, the ripening period was shortened by 1.55 days with increase of 1$^{\circ}C$. Considering varieties, Kwansan was the highest in shortening the maturing period by 2.24 days and Suwon #82 was the lowest showing 0.78 days. It is certain that ripening of rice variety is accelerated at Suwon as the average air temperature increases within the range of 18$^{\circ}C$ to 28$^{\circ}C$. 9. Between number of days to heading (X) related to seeding dates and the accumulated average air temperature (Y) during the ripening period, a positive correlation was obtained. However, there was a little difference in the accumulated average air temperature during the ripening period even seeding dates were shifted to a certain extent. C. Culm- and ear-lengths. 10. In general all the varieties didn't show much variation in their culm-lengths in case of relatively early seeding but they trended to decrease the lengths as seeding was delayed. The magnitude of decreasing varied from young seedlings to old ones. Young seedlings which were seeded during May 21 to June 10 didn't decrease their culm-lengths, while seedlings old as 80 days decreased the length though under ordinary culture. 11. Variation in ear-length of rice varieties show the same trend as the culm-length subjected to the different seeding dates. When rice seedlings aged from 30 to 40 days, the ear-length remained constant but rice plants older than 40 days obviously decreased their ear-lengths. D. Number of panicles per hill. 12. The number of panicles per hill decreased up to a certain dates as seeding was delayed and then again increased the panicles due to the development of numerous tillers at the upper internodes. The seeding date to reach to the least number of panicles of rice variety depended upon the seedling ages. Thirty- to 40-day seedlings which were seeded during May 31 to June 10 developed the lowest number of panicles and 70- to 80-day seedlings sown for the period from April 11 to April 21 reached already to the minimum number of panicles. E. Number of rachillae. 13. To a certain seeding date, the number of rachillae didn't show any variation due to delay of seeding but it decreased remarkably when seeded later than the marginal date. 14. Variation in number of rachillae depended upon seedling ages. For example, 30- to 40-day old seedlings which, were originally seeded after May 31 started to decrease the rachillae. On the other hand, 80-day old seedlings which, were seeded on May 1 showed a tendency to decrease rachillae and the rice plant sown on May 31 could develop narrowly 3 or 4 panicles. F. Defective grain and 1.000-grain weights. 15. Under delay of the seeding dates, weight of the defective grains gradually increased till a certain date and then suddenly increased. These relationships could be expressed with two different linear regressions. 16. If it was assumed that the marginal date for ripening was the cross point of these two lines, the date seemed. closely related with seedling ages. The date was June 10- in 30- to 40-day old seedlings but that of 70- to 80-day old seedlings was May 1. Accordingly, the marginal date for ripening was getting earlier as the seedling stage was prolonged. 17. The 1.000-grain weight in ordinary culture was the heaviest and it decreased in both early and late cultures. G. Straw and rough rice weights. 18. Regardless of earliness of variety, rice plants under early culture which were seeded before March 22 or April 1 did not show much variation in straw weight due to seedling ages but in ordinary culture it gradually decreased and the degree was became greater in late culture. 19. Relationship between seeding dates (X) and grain weight related to varieties and seedling ages, could be expressed as a parabola analogous to a line (Y=77.28-7.44X$_1$-1.00lX$_2$). That is, grain yield didn't vary in early culture but it started to decrease when seeded later than a certain date, as seeding was delayed. The variation was much greater in cases of late planting and prolongation of seedling age. 20. Generally speaking, the relationship between grain yield (Y) and number of days to heading (X) was described with linear regression. However, the early varieties were the highest yielders within the range of 60 to 110, days to heading but the late variety greatly decreased its yield since it grows normally only under late culture. The grain yield, on the whole, didn't increase as number of days to heading exceeded more than 140 days.

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Hydrochemical and Isotopic Characteristics, and Origin of Noble Gas for Low-temperature Hot Spring Waters in the Honam Area (호남지역 저온형 온천수의 수리지화학적 및 안정동위원소 특성과 영족기체의 기원에 관한 연구)

  • Jeong, Chan-Ho;Hur, Hyun-Sung;Nagao, Keisuke;Kim, Kyu-Han
    • Economic and Environmental Geology
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    • v.40 no.5
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    • pp.635-649
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    • 2007
  • Geochemical composition, stable isotopes $({\delta}^{18}O,\;{\delta}D,\;{\delta}^{34}S)$ and noble gases(He, Ne and Ar) of nine hot spring water and three groundwater for five hot springs(Jukam, Hwasun, Dokog, Jirisan, Beunsan) from the Honam area were analyzed to investigate the hydrogeochemical characteristics and the hydrogeochemical evolution of the hot spring waters, and to interpret the source of sulfur, helium and argon dissolved in the hot spring waters. The hot spring waters show low water temperature ranging from 23.0 to $30.5^{\circ}C$ and alkaline characteristics of pH 7.67 to 9.98. Electrical conductivity of hot spring waters is $153{\sim}746{\mu}S/cm$. Groundwaters in this area were characterized by the acidic to neutral pH range$(5.85{\sim}7.21)$, the wide electrical conductivity range $(44{\sim}165{\mu}S/cm)$. The geochemical compositions of hot spring and groundwaters can be divided into three water types: (1) $Na-HCO_3$ water type, (2) Na-Cl water type and (3) $Ca-HCO_3$ water type. The hot spring water of $Ca-HCO_3$ water type in early stage have been evolved through $Ca(Na)-HCO_3$ water type into $Na-HCO_3$ type in final stage. In particular, Jurim alkaline(pH 9.98) hot spring water plotted at the end point of $Na-HCO_3$ type in the Piper diagram is likely to arrive into the final stage in geochemical evolution process. Hydrogen and oxygen isotopic data of the hot spring water samples indicate that the hot spring waters originated from the local meteoric water showing latitude and altitude effects. The ${\delta}^{34}S$ value for sulfate of the hot spring waters varies widely from 0.5 to $25.9%o$. The sulfur source of most hot spring waters in this area is igneous origin. However, The ${\delta}^{34}S$ also indicates the sulfur of JR1 hot water is originated from marine sulfur which might be derived ken ancient seawater sulfates. The $^3He/^4He\;and\;^4He/^{20}Ne$ ratios of the hot spring waters range from $0.0143{\times}10^{-6}\;to\;0.407{\times}10^{-6}\;and\;6.49{\sim}584{\times}10^{-6}$, respectively. The hot spring waters are plotted on the mixing line between air and crustal components. It means that the He gas in the hot spring waters was mainly originated from crustal sources. However, the JR1 hot spring water show a little mixing ratio of the helium gas of mantle source. The $^{40}Ar/^{36}Ar$ ratios of hot spring water are in the range from $292.3{\times}10^{-6}\;to\;304.1{\times}10^{-6}$, implying the atmospheric argon source.