• Title/Summary/Keyword: 20대 대선

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The Nature of Regional Voting and Its Change: Theoretical Issues and Empirical Analyses (지역주의 투표의 특성과 변화: 이론적 쟁점과 경험분석)

  • Moon, Woojin
    • Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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    • v.23 no.1
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    • pp.81-111
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    • 2017
  • This article analyzes three major issues related to regional voting in South Korea. First, is regional voting a regional problem or an ideological problem? Second, is regional voting caused by regional identity or regional interest? Third, has regionalism waxed or waned? Analyses of the cumulative data set since the 15th presidential election yield the following results. First, Yongnam people are more conservative than Honam people. Second, regional voting consists of ideological and regional components. Third, there exist both a hometown effect and an abode effect in regional voting, but the latter is significantly greater than the former. Forth, regionalism had weakened between the 15th National Assembly election and the 16th Presidential election, but has not varied much since then.

A Qualitative Study on the Use of Fallacies in the 2022 Korean Presidential Debates (20대 대선 후보 TV토론에서의 오류 사용에 관한 질적 연구)

  • Heo, Man-Sup
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.22 no.10
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    • pp.676-690
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    • 2022
  • The present study aims to explore how fallacies, arguments that seem valid but are not, appear in 2022 South Korean presidential debates. It qualitatively analyzes the candidates' remarks in the first and last presidential debates (240 minutes) using 20 formal and informal fallacy concepts as a theoretical framework. Results show that the three candidates used 23 informal fallacies from 15 categories, including the straw man, red herring, begging the question, complex question, hasty generalization, appeal to the masses, and you too. The candidates relied on fallacies to defend their image and electoral agenda from adversary attacks and to contaminate their opponent's image and agenda. The arguers, who struggled with tough questions, frequently made fallacies as pseudo-arguments to avoid the situation without lying and violating election laws. This study indicates that the fallacy system can be a framework for analyzing crucial political content. Moreover, it warns against the abuse of fallacies in TV debates.

A Study on National Security Policy Platforms by South Korea's Ruling Parties During General and Presidential Elections (17대·18대 대선과 18대·19대·20대 총선에 나타난 새누리당의 외교안보통일 공약 분석 : 북핵, 남북관계 그리고 한미동맹 공약을 중심으로)

  • Choi, Jong Kun
    • Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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    • v.22 no.2
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    • pp.53-75
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    • 2016
  • This article presents a descriptive analysis on national security policy platforms promoted by the ruling parties of South Korea during general and presidential elections. National security platforms made during the elections campaigns are a window that allows us to see how the ruling party perceives the threat environment, opportunity-structures, policy preferences and material capabilities faced by the state. South Korea presents a unique case since it faces constant military threats from North Korea and interacts with China and the United States. Therefore, the national security policy platforms, which are explicitly campaigned during the general and presidential elections, showcases the worldview of the ruling party. The study essentially focuses on three areas of the platforms - its threat perception on North Korea, the ROK-US alliance and the future vision for the Korean peninsula by covering two presidential elections and three general elections for the last 20 years.

참여적 정치문화의 디지털화 - 전자정당 모델 구축의 시론적 연구 -

  • Park, Yeong-Min;No, Gyu-Seong
    • 한국디지털정책학회:학술대회논문집
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    • 2004.05a
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    • pp.13-20
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    • 2004
  • 이 논문은 우리나라 정치 문화의 변화를 규명하면서. 제16대 대선 이후 참여형으로 변화하고 있다는 가정에 따라 그 배경 및 내용을 고찰하면서 그 요인으로 '디지털 정향'의 확산을 들고있다. 또한 '참여적 정치문화'는 제16대 대선에 직접적 영향을 미치게 되었으며, 정당들은 이러한 변화 양태를 수용하기 위해 전자정당의 추진하게 되었다고 할 수 있다. 그런데 정당의 전자 정당추진 노력은 선거에서의 유권자의 지지 획득의 수단적 메커니즘으로서의 활용이라는 초기 단계를 넘어 실질적 운용의 단계에 이르고 있다는 점에 주목하고 있다. 나아가 논문에서는 이를 바탕으로 전자정당의 모델 구축을 위한 개념적 흐름을 구성함으로써 시론적 연구의 성격을 지닌다.

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Analysis of public opinion in the 20th presidential election using YouTube data (유튜브 데이터를 활용한 20대 대선 여론분석)

  • Kang, Eunkyung;Yang, Seonuk;Kwon, Jiyoon;Yang, Sung-Byung
    • Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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    • v.28 no.3
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    • pp.161-183
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    • 2022
  • Opinion polls have become a powerful means for election campaigns and one of the most important subjects in the media in that they predict the actual election results and influence people's voting behavior. However, the more active the polls, the more often they fail to properly reflect the voters' minds in measuring the effectiveness of election campaigns, such as repeatedly conducting polls on the likelihood of winning or support rather than verifying the pledges and policies of candidates. Even if the poor predictions of the election results of the polls have undermined the authority of the press, people cannot easily let go of their interest in polls because there is no clear alternative to answer the instinctive question of which candidate will ultimately win. In this regard, we attempt to retrospectively grasp public opinion on the 20th presidential election by applying the 'YouTube Analysis' function of Sometrend, which provides an environment for discovering insights through online big data. Through this study, it is confirmed that a result close to the actual public opinion (or opinion poll results) can be easily derived with simple YouTube data results, and a high-performance public opinion prediction model can be built.

Implication of the Election Result in line with the Nomination Conflicts of the Korean Political Parties: Based on the nomination of the ruling party and the opposition party in the 20th general election (한국 정당의 공천파동에 따른 선거 결과 함의 : 제20대 총선과정에서 여·야 정당의 공천을 중심으로)

  • Chung, Joo-Shin
    • Korea and Global Affairs
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    • v.1 no.1
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    • pp.31-70
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    • 2017
  • On December 9, 2016, the decision of impeachment of the National Assembly decided against Park Geun-hye came from the nomination conflicts of the 20th general election between Pro-Park group and Anti-Park group at the ruling Saenuri Party. Therefore, this study focused on the nomination conflicts of the ruling party and the opposition party on the election results in the 20th general election on the public sentiment of the people. The nomination conflicts of the ruling and opposite parties were a prelude to the victory of the 19th presidential election, and it was serious faction conflict. Firstly, the study examined how the nomination conflicts of each party were centered on President Park Geun-hye as well as the leaders of each party and the chairman of the nomination committee. Secondly, the study examined what kind of changes would be made to the composition of presidential candidates for each party at the time of the presidential election. Thirdly, the study examined the opposition parties' separation between the Minjoo Party of Korea and the People's Party of Korea before and after the election and the issue of initiative in Honam. As a result of the analysis, the 20th general election failed to obtain a majority seat of the ruling Saenuri Party, and the opposition won and formed the majority. The reason why President Park and Saenuri were greatly defeated in the contest even in the situation where the opposition parties were divided is the root cause in the attitude of Pro-Park group and Anti-Park group who assumed their victory. Therefore, it is highly possible to render its responsibility to President Park Geun-hye, who has become a 'past power', and it has opened up the possibility that the emergence of future power by opposition parties. In the case of the opposition party, it is clear that the battle for Honam, which is a traditional opposition party's support group, is a matter of good fortune of the two major powers, Moon Jae In and Ahn Cheol Soo.

A Gender and The Beauty Showed in Politician's Facial Appearance as an Element of Winning in the Election Process (정치인의 외모에 나타난 선거승리의 요인으로써 아름다움(美)과 성(性))

  • Park, Sun-Young
    • Journal of Digital Convergence
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    • v.14 no.2
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    • pp.397-414
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    • 2016
  • There will be coming soon a sequence of the so-called election season in Korea. That is the 20th session of general elections and the 19th presidential election which are taking place one after another. When we talk about presidential candidate, we may realize that the choice were relied upon candidate's facial appearance and speech, voice, dress, and so on. One poll showed that capacity and policy were ranked high and figure and image were ranked next by asking "what is the most important factor when you vote for the president?" This study looked into the candidate's face of a newly elected public office through the election voting. I studied how the factors of sex and beauty may affect on the election results. I analyse survey of candidate's photo on the election leaflets. Analyzed result said that candidate's competency and trust have strong relations in the voting choice rather than beauty even if it is statistically significant. I also find that both beauty and competency are positively interrelated.

The Study of Security System for Candidates for the 17th President (제17대 대통령선거후보자 경호제도에 관한 연구)

  • Kim, Doo-Hyun
    • Korean Security Journal
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    • no.14
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    • pp.43-67
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    • 2007
  • This is the study of efficient security system for candidates for the 17th President. The president election will be held in 20 countries this year. As conflicts between interest groups are expected to emerge, they are afraid of accidental raid in the campaign tour in addition to revival of regionalism and possibility of confrontation between interest groups with issues of anti-FTA In our country. The purpose of this study is to suggest appropriate method through study of security system for president candidate as just 6 months are left for the 17th president election. Also this study covers security environment for the president election, principle of security, and theoretical study for cause of terror, security system domestic and abroad and its analysis and how to provide the efficient security for president candidate. Therefore first, for desirable security the security should be provided by professional org like president security department. Second, combined security for target by current rules should be done. Fourth, total security is necessary to prevent security threats in advance. Third, the public security should be provided for every president candidates. Fifth, example of secret service in America should be studied and economical security should be considered Sixth, we should increase the use of Security Company and martial artists.

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A Comparative Analysis of Fact-Checking News Fairness in South Korean Broadcasting (한국 방송의 팩트 체크 뉴스 공정성 비교 분석)

  • Dong, seho;Ahn, horim
    • The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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    • v.9 no.3
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    • pp.495-508
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    • 2023
  • To compare whether broadcast fact-checking news, which aims to overcome the limitations of objective reporting, ensures fairness, we analyzed 227 fact-checked news stories aired on the main news of KBS, MBC SBS, TV Chosun, JTBC MBN, and YTN from January 1, 2022 to May 31, 2022, when the 20th presidential and local election campaigns were held. The analysis showed clear differences in fact-checking targets and narratives by broadcasters. In general, MBC, JTBC,and YTN were more likely to favor liberal parties such as the Democratic Party, while TV Chosun had a lot of narratives favoring the conservative camp. SBS and MBN were relatively neutral. KBS seemed to be trying to remain outwardly neutral. SBS and TV Chosun were the most active in fact-checking, but they covered a wide range of issues and were characterized by a bias toward contextualizing issues that viewers were curious about, rather than clarifying the facts. The projection of ideological bias by broadcasters in fact-checking narratives is a challenge that needs to be overcome.

Bias caused by nonresponses and suggestion for increasing response rate in the telephone survey on election (전화 선거여론조사에서 무응답률 증가로 인한 편의와 응답률 제고 방안)

  • Heo, Sunyeong;Yi, Sucheol
    • Journal of the Korean Data and Information Science Society
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    • v.27 no.2
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    • pp.315-325
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    • 2016
  • Thanks to the advantages of low cost and quick results, public opinion polls on election in Korea have been generally conducted by telephone survey, even though it has critical disadvantage of low response rate. In public opinion polls on election in Korea, the general method to handle nonresponses is adjusting the survey weight to estimate parameters. This study first drives mathematical expression of estimator and its bias with variance estimators with/without nonresponses in election polls in Korea. We also investigates the nonresponse rate of telephone survey on 2012 Korea presidential election. The average response rate was barely about 14.4%. In addition, we conducted a survey in April 2014 on the respondents's attitude toward telephone surveys. In the survey, the first reason for which respondents do not answer on public opinion polls on election was "feel bothered". And the aged 20s group, the most low response group, also gave the same answer. We here suggest that survey researchers motivate survey respondents, specially younger group, to participate surveys and find methods boosting response rate such as giving incentive.