• Journal of the Korean Association of Geographic Information Studies
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• v.16 no.4
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• pp.120-140
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• 2013

We investigated the occurrence of red tide, harmful algal blooms(HABs), at the end of 14th century until the beginning of 19th century recorded in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty, which are the authentic and encyclopedic annual records of the Joseon Dynasty of Korea. In total, 81 cases of HABs are recorded in the annals for which authors draw a table and maps. The number of HABs occurrence at each sea is as follows: 68 times at the South Sea; 50 times at the East Sea; and 23 times at the Yellow Sea. A region hit by red tide most frequently was Gyeongsang-do Province (over 80 times), which borders on both the South Sea and the East Sea. HABs written in the annals follow two distinctive occurrence patterns. The first pattern shows red tide started at Gangwon-do Province in March, spread north to Hamgyeongnam-do Province in April, and moved further north to Hamgyeongbuk-do Province in May and June. On the other hand, the second pattern shows red tide occurred in Gyeongsangnam-do Province in August and then expanded north to Gyeongsangbuk-do Province in September. HABs generally happened from March to September, culminating in August. Paralytic shellfish poisoning incidents involving human deaths were reported in Jinhae, Geoje and Tongyeong, occurring February to June. Fish mortality increased throughout Gyeongsang-do Province from July to September. HABs occurred on an extensive scale from 1394 to 1451 and again from 1654 to 1706. HABs also occurred on a lesser scale from 1493 to 1534 and again from 1588 to 1609. In general, vast HABs occurred in odd years (1399, 1403, 1413 and 1681).

• Journal of the Korean Society for Railway
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.157-165
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• 2015

At the end of the 19th and in the early 20th centuries, Japan, Korea, and Manchuria, and areas throughout East Asia, suffered a number of cycles of growth and development, for which the railway was a very important development tool and was closely associated with national policy. East Asian affairs, especially at the time, seemed very important to the continent, and their influence on the advance of this remarkable era was especially prominent in Japan. In the midst of this period, the national railway may have evolved under national policy and railway policy and under a variety of organizations and persons of influence. In this paper, we have tried to find the similarities and differences among the three countries that built the East Asia Railway; we consider the characteristics of the East Asia Railway from the perspectives of these three countries. Comparing the characteristics of the three country's railways, first, Japan had the motives of continental expansion and modernization in its pursuit of the railway; in Korea, the railway played the role of a continental rail link; and in Manchuria there was a tendency to pursue direct domination of the railway. Second, the Japanese applied their railway model to Korea; the Korean railway may have been in operation, but it was an extension of the railway of Japan. The railway in Manchuria showed a similar pattern to that which can be found in the state of Asian domination of Europe ; Japan showed aspects of dominance over the railway because it had experience running a private railway.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.1-21
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• 2021

This study traced the origin and transformation of word library linked with archives in the ancient Near East, and Greece and Rome. First, the word library has two origins. One is derived from the Latin bibliothēkē from the ancient Greek βιβλιοθήκη. The first trace is Pollux's Onomasticon in the second half of the 2nd century, and if considered as a set of literature texts, it is Lipsius's De Bibliothecis Syntagma in 1602. The other was established as an library in the early 14th century after Latin libraria (or librarium) was translated into Old French librairie (or librarie). The word library was coined by Chaucer in 1374. Second, the clay tablet repository that existed in the ancient Near East is close to an archive, but the official name is unknown. However, the Ashurbanipal clay tablet archive is far from the principle of respect for original order and origins emphasized by the archivists, so it is not a royal archive, but a prototype of the royal library. And the official name of the Library of Alexandria was 'Βιβλιοθήκη της Αλεξάνδρειας', and then it was changed to 'ALEXANDRINA BYBLIOTHECE'. Third, In ancient Greece and Rome, archives and libraries were separated. Greece libraries were at the level of a small libraries attached to gymnasiums, and had few independent titles. The names of the Roman libraries often attached to the public baths were mixed with βιβλιοθήκη and Bibliotheca. Finally, the ancient library was succeeded to the cathedral bibliothek, and was transformed into 'bayt al-hikmah' in the Islamic Empire. In Japan, China, and Korea, Japanese-Chinese word library was accepted at the end of the 19th century, but there are many issues that require follow-up research.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.129-153
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• 2010

The guiding research question of this paper is to discover 'why the UK could not develop a general structure in which transnational corporations were born during the end of the 19th ~ beginning of the 20th century like other countries'. In response to this question, although acknowledging its imperfections, the author would like to explore the causality in the context of 'Social Construction' which is reflected in the attributes of British society. As such, researchers are strongly recommended to take into account the actors' interests and the increased value effect of events which is driven by control power. This paper concludes that: firstly, not only was contempt for industrial capitalism prevalent in British society, the British government was unable to recognize the necessity of promoting policies for the development of transnational corporation. In addition, the increase in the clout of commercial-financial capitalists in the city of London along with the expansion of gentlemanly elites interfered with the transnationality of British companies. Secondly, the foundation of the political and economic structures in the UK experienced continuity and challenge simultaneously. Since the 1850's, the British social structure has been progressively characterized by the strengthening power of the commercial-financial elites in London, which resulted not in the transnationality of manufacturing but that of financial services. Finally, the configuration of the social network driven by the British elites consists of the actors' interests and control power in association with severance and connection. Unlike the complementarity of interests, in the initial stage, intended connection based on voluntary motivation between gentries and commercial-financial elites occurred in terms of control power. However, ultimately, the holding of power was transferred to the commercial-financial elites excluding the industrial capitalists and resulted in the reconfiguration of the social network.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.3-15
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• 1994

The purpose of this study is to investigate the origin of traditional folkhouses of Japan in connection with those of Korea. Japanese folkhouses have received much influence from the Korean Peninsular, mainland China, northern Asia and Southeast Asia. The writer believes that the main stream of folkhouse culture origineted in the Korean Peninsular and flowed into the Japanese Islands. There ara many striking similarities in the folkhouses of Korea and Japan. Firstly, double-row room houses are distributed in the northeastern part of the Korean Penininsular and all parts of the Japanese Islands, and they are classified into the five-room type and four-room type. These types are very similar in both nations in the aspects of and floorplan and distributing patterns. Because floorplan may be used as an indicator of culture regions and cultural diffusion both, nations are believed to be closely related in the interchange of cultures in ancient times. Secondly, stables are allocated to the main house, and they are called "magu" in common "Magu" means horse stable, but there are no horses in it. In ancient times, however, many horses were kept in "magu" in both countries. Thirdly, there are much similarities in the function and structure of the folkhouses of both countries. The characteristics of folkhouses of Japan could be explained as the result of cultural diffusion from the Korean Peninsular.on from the Korean Peninsular.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.1
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• pp.78-92
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• 2019

Among the Southeast Asian countries, Vietnam had the most cultural exchange with Korea. Through Confusion and Chinese character, which were the common measure for two countries, Korea and Vietnam could communicate and share a sentiment with each other. Two countries showed an enormous interest in each other, and hence they could keep good relationship without official diplomatic relations. During the early 19th century, Korean Ginseng had gained tremendous popularity in Vietnam. Vietnamese believed the stamina of Minh Mang, who had 142 sons and daughters, originated from ginseng. Minh Mang bestowed ginseng on old courtiers for their contribution, which made them more loyal to the king. This tradition was inherited to the future generations, and soldiers who fought with Thai, Cambodia and France also received ginseng for their contribution. In other words, ginseng was the very important key for enforcement of patriotism. Due to the tradition, Korean ginseng has been considered as the premium ginseng in Vietnam. It is presumed that ginseng flew into Vietnam through 4 routes; 1) as an imperial gift from Chinese emperor, 2) by the Vietnamese ambassadors who went to Beijing for a tribute, 3) through private trade and 4) from Ryukyu or Japan, which were the hub of international trade. From 15th to 18th century, ambassadors from Chosun and Vietnam actively interacted in Beijing. Through their interchange, Vietnamese royal family could learn about the value of ginseng. The fact that there were many Shilhak scholars among the ambassadors from Joseon, such as Seo Geojeong and Seo Hosu who had profound knowledge of ginseng proves the theory. It is also possible that reputation of ginseng was already established in Vietnam during Silla period. Ko Byung, an bureaucrat from Tang Dynasty who ruled Vietnam for 10 years in middle 9th century and a friend of Choi Chiwon, might have delivered the knowledge of ginseng to the upper class in Vietnam. This hypothesis, however, should be proven by literatures. Hence, further research about the trace of Korean ginseng in Vietnamese history and literary works still remains to be done.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.57 no.2
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• pp.118-141
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• 2024

This study investigates and analyzes ancient literature records and iconographic materials to examine the Willow Tree Fence(樹柵) built on Gasan(假山) Cheonggyecheon(淸溪川) within the Hanyangdoseong, which was deliberately created to prevent flood damage during the Joseon Dynasty. Although there have been research cases related to the willow tree, it is difficult to find research conducted with the purpose of identifying its archetypal value by investigating and analyzing specific use cases of the willow tree and its historical background. Accordingly, this study aims to identify examples of the Willow Tree Fence(樹柵) created in Cheonggyecheon(淸溪川) during the Joseon Dynasty and reinterpret their value by illuminating the background of construction and regional characteristics. The main contents of this study are as follows. It is presumed that floods during the Joseon Dynasty were a great hazard. Between the 16th and 18th centuries, Joseon suffered severe damage from floods. By the time of King Yeongjo, all Four Mountains(四山) of the capital had become bare mountains, which was the cause of frequent floods. In the year of Gyeongjin(庚辰, the 26th year of King Yeongjo's reign, 1760), King Yeongjo dredged the channel bottom of Cheonggyecheon(淸溪川), which overflowed every rainy season, with the Juncheon Project(Channel-Dredging, 濬川事業) and planted willow trees on the mountain on both sides of the Ogan Water Gate(五間水門), as measures to prevent flood damage and soil loss. was implemented. In the <Doseongdo(都城圖)> in 《 Gwangyeodo(廣輿圖)》 produced in the mid-18th century during the reign of King Yeongjo, Gasan(假山), built in front of the Ogan Water Gate(五間水門) is visible, and in the record 『Sinjeung Donggukyeoji Seungnam(新增東國輿地勝)』 In the record, it appears that willows were planted on both sides of the mountain in the year of Gyeongjin(1760). With <Hanyangdoseong Map(漢陽都城圖)> produced in the 46th year of King Yeongjo's reign(1770), it is confirmed that willow trees formed a thick forest on Gasan Mountain near the Ogan Water Gate(五間水門) in the late 18th century. In addition, the Juncheon Project(Channel-Dredging, 濬川事業) and the creation of the Willow Tree Fence(樹柵) continued from the 15th century, the early Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮前期), to the end of the 19th century, the late Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮後期), through the records of ancient literature such as 『Annals of the Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮王朝實錄)』, 『Seungjeongwon Diary(承政院日記)』, and 『Records of Daily Reflections(日省錄)』. This study is meaningful in informing that the willow tree was a unique cultural heritage and traditional landscape resource by investigating the composition and use of the Willow Tree Fence in the Joseon Dynasty, which was a great basis for preventing floods and flood damage, as well as forming a beautiful landscape.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.51 no.1
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• pp.167-184
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• 2016

This paper investigates the migration process of Korean population in Northeastern China since the 19th century, focusing on the population distribution patterns in different time periods which reflect changes and diffusions of diaspora space. Korean migration into Northeastern China seemed to begin from the late 19th century, and can be classified into four different periods including cross-border refugee period (19th to 1910), political exile period(1911-1931), forced migration period(1932-1945), and economic-driven migration period(after 1946). The Korean migration into Northeastern China was closely related to paddy field rice farming by Korean migrants, which can be interpreted as a process of contagious diffusion starting from border area between Korea and China at the early stage. And then, process of hierarchical diffusion occurred along with urban centers on the railways from the 1930s. At the later stage, Korean migration has extended to coastal urban centers, other big cities in China and other countries including Korea since the 2000s. Recently, ethnic Korean communities in China have experienced changes from rural village based community to urban district based community as well as from single-nuclei ethnic structure around Northeastern China toward multi-nuclei ethnic structure extending to coastal urban areas in China.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.33
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• pp.121-152
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• 2016

The purpose of this study is to illustrate the history of the Cheonsu-Temple天壽寺 and to describe the echo verse poem trend with regard to 'Waiting'待人 and why it is beautiful. The Cheonsu-Temple was located in the outskirts of Gaesung開城, the capital city during the Corea高麗 Dynasty. However, the temple was destroyed when the dynasty collapsed. Cheonsu-Station天壽院 was built amidst the temple ruins, as the temple was an important traffic point. The Cheonsu-Pavilion天水亭 was built in 1476 by Yi-Ye李芮 in the station's neighborhood. The station and the pavilion were completely ruined during the 17th century. Many poets visited the Cheonsu-Temple and composed poems in the latter part of the Corea Dynasty. 'Waiting'待人, written by Choi-Sarip崔斯立, -is the most famous work. Following this work, many poets composed echo verse poems 'Waiting' work that represented the anxiety of waiting for an old friend in front of the Cheonsu-Temple. The following is a highlighted verse: So many people who look like the old friend come to me, but it turned out no one was the man. This work is very picturesque. Over twenty echo verse poems 'Waiting' are categorized in three periods. They compared the "present" to the past by using the Zhenglingwei丁令威 origin from the former Joseon朝鮮 period. In the middle of Joseon period, Jungjong中宗 visited Cheonsu-Station and composed an echo verse poem 'Waiting'. The official literaries also composed poems there. In their works, they presented the collapse of the Corea Dynasty as inevitable and the construction of Joseon Dynasty as something reasonable. Cheonsu-Station was ruined in 17th century, followed after by the ruin of the Cheonsu-Pavilion. It appears that the echo verse poems to 'Waiting' in the latter Joseon period represented the ruin of the Cheonsu-Temple, the Cheonsu-Station, and the Cheonsu-Pavilion.

• Conservation Science in Museum
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• v.15
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• pp.66-77
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• 2014

A gujangbok is a king's silk ceremonial robe embroidered with nine symbols that represent the essential virtues that a king needs to govern his country. The National Museum of Korea currently own a gujangbok worn by King Gojong in the late Joseon Dynasty. The robe is painted with various colors, including red, yellow, blue, green, and gray. μ-XRF and analysis was conducted on the pigments, and it was found that the red color was made from cinnabar, the yellow color was gold and brass, the blue color was a blue organic pigment and white lead, the green color was a synthetic pigment composed of copper and arsenic, and the gray color pigment was silver. Also, the pigments were compared to those used to make the patterns of a queen's ceremonial robe and a front cloth panel, both made around the same time and also owned by the National Museum of Korea. The comparative analysis revealed clear differences and similarities between the various pigments. The resulting data expect to serve as a useful foundation research for future studying of the pigments used by the Joseon royal court in the late nineteenth century.