• Title/Summary/Keyword: 16~17세기

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An Analysis on Landscape Architecture in Korean Seowon from 16th to 19th Century and its Historic Significance (조선 시대 서원 조경의 특징과 역사적 의미 연구)

  • Lee, Younghoon-Hayden;Sung, Jong-Sang
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.41 no.2
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    • pp.1-10
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    • 2023
  • This study aims to explore the significance of historic changes and cultural characteristics of landscape architecture in Korean Seowon. Seowon refers to educational private institutes that also served as Confucian shrines and were prevalent during the mid-to-late Joseon dynasty. Seowon comprised three distinct functional spaces: a shrine, a school, and a garden. The concept of Seowon's garden extended beyond designed landscapes to include the surrounding natural environment. The importance of landscape architecture in Seowon is rooted in its connection to the educational philosophy of these institutes. During the Joseon dynasty, scholars revered nature as a manifestation of Confucian ideals, and they believed that close engagement with nature was integral to self-discipline and learning. This research investigated fifteen relatively well-preserved garden in South Korea and conducted a comprehensive analysis of their gardens. The analysis revealed two key findings. Firstly, gardens in Seowon were actively designed and constructed during the early phase of Seowon culture but gradually diminished after the 17th century. This can be attributed to the shift in Seowon's purpose, with a greater emphasis on its religious function over education. Consequently, the significance and presence of landscape architecture in Seowon, which was closely related with its Confucianist education, declined. Secondly, the study explored the historical backgrounds of each Seowon's landscape architecture and found that many of them were designed or influenced by individuals who were later memorialized and deified in the Seowon's shrines. The landscape architecture created by these predecessors was carefully preserved by the faculties and students as a form of respect. Therefore, landscape architecture in Korean Seowon not only conveys the institutional purpose as an educational hub for the local society but also reflects the institute's strong relationship with the figures they worship as shrines.

A study on the essence of Ye and its usualness - With focus on Shirak's feature of Yulkok's Yegyo (예(禮)의 본질(本質)과 일상성(日常性) - 율곡(栗谷) 예교(禮敎)의 실학적(實學的) 성격(性格)과 일상성(日常性)을 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Haeng-hoon
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.35
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    • pp.161-188
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    • 2009
  • Confucianism's concept of Ye is ruled by the absolute principle of the universe on one hand, and by "the rules of Ye(節文)" and "the rules of ceremony(儀則)", the principle of relative articulation on the other hand. The realizations of the absolute principle of Ye is depending on its usage in everyday life which is fundamentally conditioned by time and space. Thus, Ye's usage can be maximized when the fundamental principle and the condition of its usage make a mutual harmony. Of course, Ye and Ak(樂) are doing complementary roles for each other, since Ye is a principle of a division and Ak is a principle of combining features. However, the essence of Ye can be figured out as the characteristics of mutual reciprocity among things of hierarchy between the classes. Not only in Modern one But also in the medieval society, Ye was not a one-sided force. The essence of Ye does not retain the interests of an individual and the power of a group. If so, the formal aspects of Ye had been distorted. Confucianism demands a strict morality and ethics of a normal person as well as of the ruler. The characteristics of Ye is democratic and open to the condition of time and space. Yegyo should be rooted in everyday lives and realized as a usualness. Therefore, Shirak was an inevitable feature of Yegyo. During the 16th and the 17th century, Ye insinuated into everyday lives of the public in the Korean society. Yulgok Yiyi(李珥)'s Haejuhyangyak(海州鄕約) was estimated as the exemplary feature of Shirak.

Clinical significance of codetection of the causative agents for acute respiratory tract infection in hospitalized children (급성 호흡기 감염으로 입원한 소아에서 호흡기 감염의 원인: 중복검출의 임상적 의미)

  • Roh, Eui Jung;Chang, Young Pyo;Kim, Jae Kyung;Rheem, In Soo;Park, Kwi Sung;Chung, Eun Hee
    • Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
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    • v.52 no.6
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    • pp.661-666
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    • 2009
  • Purpose : To determine the prevalence and clinical features of codetected respiratory etiological agents for acute respiratory infection in hospitalized children. Methods : Nasopharyngeal aspirates were obtained from hospitalized children with acute respiratory infection at Dankook University Hospital from September 2003 through June 2005. Immunofluorescent staining and culture were used for the detection of respiratory viruses (influenza virus [IFV] types A, B; parainfluenza virus [PIV] types 1, 2, 3; respiratory syncytial virus [RSV]; adenovirus [AdV]). Polymerase chain reaction (PCR) assays were used for Mycoplasma pneumoniae (MP) and Chlamydia trachomatis (CT) detection, and PCR and culture were performed for enterovirus detection. Acid-fast staining and culture were performed for tuberculosis detection. The demographic and clinical characteristics were reviewed retrospectively from the patients medical records. Results : Evidence of two or more microbes was found in 28 children: RSV was detected in 14, PIV 3 in 10, AdV in 10, MP in 8, PIV 2 in 8, CT in 4, and PIV 1 in 3. Codetected agents were found as follows: RSV+PIV 2, 6 patients; AdV+MP, 4 patients; AdV+PIV, 3 patients; RSV+MP, 3 patients; PIV 1+PIV 3, 3 patients. Distinct peaks of codetected agents were found in epidemics of MP and each respiratory virus. Conclusion : The codetected infectious agents were RSV, PIV, AdV, and MP, with distinct peaks found in epidemics of MP and each respiratory virus. Although advances in diagnostic methods have increased the prevalence of codetection, its clinical significance should be interpreted cautiously.

Lower respiratory tract infection of positive antigen test for respiratory syncytial virus on children under 2 years of age (2세 이하의 소아에서 respiratory syncytial virus의 항원검사에 양성인 하기도 감염)

  • Jeong, Jea Heon;Moon, Kyoung Hee;Lee, Chang Woo;Choi, Du Young;Oh, Yeun Geun;Yoon, Hyang Suk;Cho, Ji Hyun;Kim, Jong Duck
    • Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
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    • v.49 no.4
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    • pp.394-400
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    • 2006
  • Purpose : This study was design and performed for evaluations of resent clinical pattern of bronchiolitis caused by RSV infection with children under 2 year of age for 5 years, who were admitted to pediatric ward. Methods : The inclusion criteria of the patients were children under 24 month-of-age, clinical manifestations of lower respiratory tract infection, and RSV antigen that was detected by a direct immunofluorescence test from the nasal secretions. The additional laboratory and simple chest X-ray findings were reviewed from the medical records of children who were admitted Wonkwang university hospital from Jan. 1999 to Dec. 2003. Results : In the 5 year study duration, 127 patients were enrolled and outbreak of RSV bronchiolitis took place in 2001. The 80 cases(63 percent) of RSV infection were concentrated in later autumn and winter. Number of the cases show coughing were 120(94.5 percent), but rale was audible in 78 cases(61.4 percent). Dyspnea, wheezing, and intercostal retraction were noticed in 27(21.3 percent), 21(16.5 percent), and 4(3 percent) cases respectively. The most common chest X-ray finding was hyperinflation of the lung that was noticed in 110 cases(86.6 percent). Care with mechanical ventilator for more than 2 days required in 5 cases. Conclusion : Lower respiratory tract infection by RSV was common in late autumn and winter season but year-round infection was noticed. The severity of RSV respiratory tract infectiontakes in some degree a grave course. So we suggest that population-based surveillance of acute respiratory infection due to RSV is necessary for assessment of prevalence and epidemiology of this disease.

Growth and Characterization of AgGa$Se_2$ Single Crystal Thin Films by Hot Wall Epitaxy (Hot Wall Epitaxy (HWE)법에 의한 AgGa$Se_2$ 단결정 박막 성장과 특성)

  • Hong, Gwang-Jun;Lee, Gwan-Gyo;Park, Jin-Seong
    • Korean Journal of Materials Research
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    • v.11 no.5
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    • pp.419-426
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    • 2001
  • The stochiometric $AgGaSe_2$ polycrystalline mixture of evaporating materials for the $AgGaSe_2$ single crystal thin film was prepared from horizontal furnace. To obtain the single crystal thin films, $AgGaSe_2$ mixed crystal and semi-insulating GaAs(100) wafer were used as source material and substrate for the Hot Wall Epitaxy (HWE) system, respectively. The source and substrate temperature were fixed at$ 630^{\circ}C$ and $420^{\circ}C$, respectively. The thickness of grown single crystal thin films is 2.1$\mu\textrm{m}$. The single crystal thin films were investigated by photoluminescence and double crystal X-ray diffraction(DCXD) measurement. The carrier density and mobility of AgGaSe$_2$ single crystal thin films measured from Hall effect by van der Pauw method are $4.89\Times10^{17}$ cm$^{-3}$ , 129cm2/V.s at 293K, respectively. From the Photocurrent spectrum by illumination of perpendicular light on the c-axis of the AgGaSe$_2$ single crystal thin film, we have found that the values of spin orbit splitting $$\Delta$S_{o}$ and the crystal field splitting $\Delta$C$_{r}$, were 0.1762eV and 0.2474eV at 10K, respectively. From the photoluminescence measurement of AgGaSe$_2$ single crystal thin film, we observed free excision (EX) observable only in high quality crystal and neutral bound exciton ($D^{o}$ , X) having very strong peak intensity. And, the full width at half maximum and binding energy of neutral donor bound excition were 8mev and 14.1meV, respectively. By Haynes rule, an activation energy of impurity was 141 meV.ion energy of impurity was 141 meV.

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The essay of Bijeung by chinese doctors in 20th century - Study of - (20세기(世紀) 중의사(中醫師)들의 비증(痺證)에 대(對)한 논술(論述) 연구(硏究) - 《비증전집(痺證專輯)》 에 대(對)한 연구(硏究) I -)

  • Kim, Myung Wook;Oh, Min Suk
    • Journal of Haehwa Medicine
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    • v.9 no.1
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    • pp.547-594
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    • 2000
  • I. Introduction The essence of Oriental medicine consists of ancient books, experienced doctors and succeeded skills of common society. Many famous doctors studied medical science by their fathers or teachers. So the history of medical science is long. $\ll$DangDaeMyeongIImJeungJeongHwa(當代名醫臨證精華)$\gg$ written by SaWoogWang(史宇廣) and DanSeoGeon(單書健) has many medical experience of famous doctors. So it has important historical value. Bi(痺) means blocking. BiJeung is one kind of symptoms making muscles, bones and jonts feel pain, numbness or edema. For example it can be gout or SLE etc. So I studied ${\ll}BiJeungJuJip{\gg}$. II. Final Decision Following decisions of Chinese doctors of 20th century are as follows ; 1. JuYangChun(朱良春) emphasized on IkSinJangDok(益腎壯督) to treat BiJeong. And he devided WanBi(頑痺) as PungHanSeup(風寒濕), DamEo(痰瘀), YeolDok(熱毒), SinHeo(腎虛). He used insects for medicine. 2. ChoSuDoek(焦樹德) introduced past prescription. He used ChiBiTang(治痺湯) to treat HaengBi(行痺), TongBi(痛痺), ChakBi(着痺). He insisted that Han(寒; coldness) and Seup(濕; dampness) be Eum(陰) and Pung(風; wind) can change his character to be Eum. After all BiJeung is usually EumJeung. So he used GaeJi(桂枝) and BuJa(附子). By the way he used ChungYeolSanBiTang(淸熱散痺湯) for YeolBi, BoSinGeoHanChiWangTang SaBok(王士福) emphasized on the importance of medicine. He introduced many treatments like CheongYeol(情熱) for YeolBi and YiO(二烏) for HanBi. And he divided BiJeung period for three steps. At 1st step, we must use GeoSa(祛邪), at 2nd step, we must use BuJeong(扶正) and at 3rd step, we must use BoHyeol(補血), he insisted. And he introduced many herbs to treat BiJeung. 4. JeongGwangJeok(丁光迪) said that GaeJi(桂枝), MaHwang(麻黃), OYak(烏蘖) and BuJa(附子) are very important for TongRak(通絡). And pain usually results from Han(寒), so he liked to use hot-character herbs. 5. MaGi(馬志) insisted that BiJeung usually result from ChilJeong(七情). And he liked to use insects for treatment of BiJeung. 6. WeolSeokMu(越錫武) introduced 8 kinds of treatments and divided BiJeung period. Also he divided BeJeung for PungBi(風痺), HanBi(寒痺) and SeupBi(濕痺). 7. SeoGeaHam(徐季含) observed many patients and concluded that 86.7% of BiJeung is HeuJeung(虛症). 8. YuJiMyeong(劉志明) said that YeolBi is important and CheongYeol is also important. So he emphasized on DangGyuiJeomTongTang(當歸拈痛湯) and SeonBiTang(宣痺湯). 9. WangLiChu(汪履秋) studied cause of WanBi. Internal cause is GiHyeolHeo(氣血虛) and GanSinHeo(肝腎虛) and external cause is SaGi(邪氣) he insisted. 10. WangSaSang(王士相) said that YeolBi can be SeupYeolBi or EumHeuYeolBi(陰虛熱痺) and HanSeupBi(寒濕痺) is rare. He use WooBangJaSan(牛蒡子散) and BangPungHwan(防風丸) for SeupYeolBi, DangGyuiSaYeokTang(當歸四逆湯) for HanSeupBi. 11. JinTaekGang(陳澤江) treated YeolBi with BaekHoGaGyeJiTang(自虎加桂枝湯) and SaMyoSan(四妙散). If they don't have effect, he tried to cure BiJeung step by step. And he used e term of GeunBi(筋痺) and BangGiMogwaEIInTang(防己木瓜薏苡仁湯) was good for GeunBi. 12. MaSeoJeong(麻瑞亭) said that PungSeupYeokJeul(風濕歷節) is BiJeung and it is related to GanBinSin(肝脾腎; liver, Spleen, Kindey). And he emphasized on balance WiGi(衛氣) and YoungHeul(營血). 13. SaJeJu(史濟桂) said that GeunGolBi(筋骨痺) is similar to arthritis and sometimes called ChakBi. And SinBi(腎痺) is terminal stage of ChakBi, he said. He also used insects for treatment. 14. JeongJeNam(丁濟南) tried to cure SLE and used GyeJi, CheonCho(川椒), SinGeunCho(伸筋草), SunRyeongBi(仙靈脾), HyconSam(玄蔘) and GamCho(甘草). 15. JinGYungHwa(陳景和) emphasized on diagnosis of tongue. If the color of tongue is blue, it usually has EoHyeol(瘀血), for example. And he also used insects. 16. JuSongI(朱松毅) tried to devide YeolBi with OnByeong(溫病), Wi(衛), Gi(氣) and Hyeol(血). 17. RuDaBong(蔞多峰) said that JyeongHeo(正虛), OiSa(外邪) and EoHyeol are closely related. And he explained BiJeung by deviding the body into the part, for example head, neck, shoulder, waist, upper limb and lower limb. 18. YuMuBo(劉茂甫) defined PungHanSyubBi as chronic stage and YeolBi as acute stage.

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Showing Filial Piety: Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain at the National Museum of Korea (과시된 효심: 국립중앙박물관 소장 <인왕선영도(仁旺先塋圖)> 연구)

  • Lee, Jaeho
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.123-154
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    • 2019
  • Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.

The Effect of Dexamethasone on Airway Goblet Cell Hyperplasia and Inflammation in $TiO_2$-Treated Sprague-Dawley Rats ($TiO_2$로 처치된 백서에서 기도내 배상세포 증식과 염증에 대한 Dexamethasone의 효과)

  • Lim, Gune-Il;Kim, Do-Jin;Park, Choon-Sik
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.49 no.1
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    • pp.37-48
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    • 2000
  • Backgrounds : The pathophysiology of chronic airflow obstruction, such as bronchial asthma, is characterized by mucus hypersecretion, goblet cell hyperplasia(GCH), smooth muscle hypertrophy, and inflammatory cells infiltration. In fatal asthma patients, one distinct findings is mucus hypersecretion due to GCH. However, the mechanisms of GCH in these hypersecretory diseases remain still unknown. In this study, a rat model was rapidly induced with GCH by instillation of $TiO_2$, intratracheally. We intend to confirm GCH and association of concomitant inflammatory cells infiltration and to observe the effect of potent antiinflammatory agent, that is dexamethasone, on GCH with inflammatory cells. Methods : Twenty-one 8-weeks-old male Sprague-Dawley rats were divided into three groups. Endotoxinfree water was instilled intratracheally in group 1(control) ; $TiO_2$, was instilled in the group 2 ; and dexamethasone was injected intraperitoneally to group 3 before $TiO_2$ instillation. After 120 hours, all rats were sacrificed, and trachea, bronchi, and lungs were resected respectively. These tissues were made as paraffin blocks and stained as PAS for goblet cells and Luna stain for eosinophils. We calculated the ratio of goblet cell to respiratory epithelium and number of infiltrated eosinophils from each tissue. Results : (1) Fraction of goblet cells was significantly increased in group 2 than in group 1 in the trachea and in the main bronchus. (10.19$\pm$11.33% vs 4.09$\pm$8.28%, p<0.01 and 34.09$\pm$23.91% vs 3.61$\pm$4.84%, p<0.01, respectively). (2) Eosinophils were significantly increased in the airway of group 2 than that of group 1. (5.43$\pm$3.84% vs 0.17$\pm$0.47 in trachea and 47.71$\pm$16.91 vs 2.71$\pm$1.96 in main bronchi). (3) There was a positive correlation between goblet cells and eosinophils(r=0.719, p=0.001). (4) There was significant difference in the decrease of goblet cells after dexamethasone injection between group 2 and group 3 (p<0.01). Also, infiltration of eosinophils was suppressed by dexamethasone. Conclusion : We made an animal model of $TiO_2$-induced goblet cell hyperplasia. GCH was observed mainly in the main bronchi with concomitant eosinophilic infiltration. Both goblet cell hyperplasia and eosinophilic infiltration were suppressed by dexamethasone. This animal model may serve as a useful tool in understanding of the mechanism of GCH in chronic airway diseases.

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International Law on the Flight over the High Seas (공해의 상공비행에 관한 국제법)

  • Kim, Han-Taek
    • The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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    • v.26 no.1
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    • pp.3-30
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    • 2011
  • According to the Article 86 of the United Nations on the Law of the Sea(UNCLOS) the provisions of high seas apply to all parts of the sea that are not included in the exclusive economic zone, in the territorial sea or in the internal waters of a State, or in the archipelagic waters of an archipelagic State. Article 87 also stipulates the freedom of the high seas. International laws on the flight over the high seas are found as follows; Firstly, as far as the nationality of the aircraft is concerned, its legal status is quite different from the ship where the flags of convenience can be applied practically. There is no flags of convenience of the aircraft. Secondly, according to the Article 95 of UNCLOS warships on the high seas have complete immunity from the jurisdiction of any State other than the flag State. We can suppose that the military(or state) aircraft over the high seas have also complete immunity from the jurisdiction of any State other than the flag State. Thirdly, according to the Article 101 of UNCLOS piracy consists of any act of voluntary participation in the operation of a ship or of an aircraft with knowledge of facts making it a pirate ship or aircraft. We can conclude that piracy can de done by a pirate aircraft as well as a pirate ship. Fourthly, according to the Article 111 (5) of UNCLOS the right of hot pursuit may be exercised only by warships or military aircraft, or other ships or aircraft clearly marked and identifiable as being on government service and authorized to that effect. We can conclude that the right of hot pursuit may be exercised only military aircraft, or aircraft clearly marked and identifiable as being on government service and authorized to that effect. Fifthly, according to the Article 110 of UNCLOS a warship which encounters on the high seas a foreign ship, is not justified in boarding it unless there is reasonable ground for suspecting that: (a) the ship is engaged in piracy, (b) the ship is engaged in the slave trade, (c) the ship is engaged in an authorized broadcasting and the flag State of the warship has jurisdiction under article 109, (d) the ship is without nationality, or (e) though flying a foreign flag or refusing to show its flag, the ship is, in reality, of the same nationality as the warship. These provisions apply mutatis mutandis to military aircraft. Sixthly, according to the Article 1 (5)(dumping), 212(pollution from or through the atmosphere), 222(enforcement with respect to pollution from or through the atmosphere) of UNCLOS aircraft as well as ship is very much related to marine pollution. Seventhly, as far as the crime on board aircraft over the high seas is concerned 1963 Convention on the Offences and Certain Other Acts Committed on Board Aircraft(Tokyo Convention) will be applied, and as for the hijacking over the high seas 1970 Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Seizure of Aircraft(Hague Convention) and as for the sabotage over the high seas 1971 Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts Against the Safety of Civil Aviation(Montreal Convention) will be applied respectively. These three conventions recognize the flag state jurisdiction over the crimes on board aircraft over the high seas. Eightly, as far as reconnaissance by foreign aircraft in the high seas toward the coastal States is concerned it is not illegal in terms of international law because its act is done in the high seas. Ninthly as for Air Defence Identification Zone(ADIZ) there are no articles dealing with it in the 1944 Chicago Convention. The legal status of the foreign aircraft over this sea zone might be restricted to the regulations of the coastal states whether this zone is legitimate or illegal. Lastly, the Arctic Sea is the frozen ocean. So the flight over that ocean is the same over the high seas. Because of the climate change the Arctic Sea is getting melted. If the coastal states of the Arctic Sea will proclaim the Exclusive Economic Zone(EEZ) as the ocean is getting melted, the freedom of flight over that ocean will also be restricted to the regulations of the coastal states.

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