• Analyses & Alternatives
• /
• v.7 no.2
• /
• pp.147-178
• /
• 2023

While most of countries today are opposing the issuance of private-led cryptocurrency, nevertheless they are actively jumping into the issuance of government-led digital currency such as CBDC. This article aims to find an answer to this dual attitude of countries. To achieve the purpose, this article finds out the characteristics of political power and economic interest that digital currency has and applies it to the international dimension of the Bretton Woods II System. Then come up to the conclusion that the answer can be found in the fact that the current dual attitude of countries is closely related to the crisis of the international monetary order. The Bretton Woods II System, which led the world economy through reckless monetary expansion based on credit currency, exposed its limitations through the 2008 global financial crisis and put countries into difficulties. In this situation, the cryptocurrency, which appeared by raising the issue of the monopoly power of the central authority in issuing currency, had no choice but to act as an opportunity to drive countries further and further into a corner. This article views CBDC as a national response to address these issues. In other words, countries maintain their monetary power by absorbing the challenge of private digital currency at the government level through CBDC, and use this as a stepping stone to reorganize the international monetary order in crisis with the intention to use it as a means to their advantage. That is what this article is trying to argue.

• The Journal of Society for e-Business Studies
• /
• v.25 no.2
• /
• pp.109-126
• /
• 2020

This study attempts to find out the characteristics of digital currency and currency transformation through the analytical descriptions of the literature. In the early days of the emergence of new currency, market-oriented autonomous monetary adjustment was made along with various attempts by the private sector, and then government-centered central currency management and coordination were made for the national monopoly of profits and power. Digital currency can be seen as the emergence of a new form of money that will bring about paradigm changes. CBDC can be divided into direct and indirect types. CBDC is expected to require a strategic approach by the government or firm as it will bring about changes in the ecosystem of related industries. Libra is a stablecoin designed to minimize price fluctuations, and if it succeeds in commercializing it, it is expected to bring about revolutionary changes in the financial industry around the world.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
• /
• v.13 no.8
• /
• pp.439-447
• /
• 2015

The objectives of this study were to discuss policy for university restructuring from the viewpoint of Habermas' theory of communicative action in Covergence Society, and to provide implications for university restructuring policy in Korea. This study was conducted as a literature review, it discussed the university restructuring policy in Korea, the meaning of Habermas' theory of communicative action, and its implications for university restructuring policy. The main concept of Habermas' theory of communicative action is mutual understanding, and the theory perceives society as systems and lifeworld. Lifeworld pursues communicative rationality. University restructuring in Korea should be promoted through communication between the government and university members rather than through the forced distribution of money by state power.

• Journal of Ethics
• /
• no.82
• /
• pp.53-72
• /
• 2011

The North Korea have supported their own political ideological education system to maintain their basic framework of society. The north korean political education contents become from now on it be done harder. That answer is up to the government of the North Korea, and the general public in North Korea would be going after it. However, when we review this closely, both positions of the North Korean government and the general public would be different each other as before. I would figure out whether the political ideological education system in North Korea would be going on with making realistic changes or just maintaining their old system. The political and ideological education might make settled flexibility. On the other hand, we can expect that it could be reinforced by the North Korean government. For this content, this research is going to try to understand the characteristics of North Korea's ideological education policy considering both position of the North Korean government and the general public thoroughly.

• 한국HCI학회:학술대회논문집
• /
• 2006.02b
• /
• pp.761-769
• /
• 2006

한국사회에서 새로운 미디어 문화로 가장 각광받는 것 중 하나가 '싸이월드(www. cyworld.com)' 이다. 싸이월드는 웹(Web)에서 하루하루의 일기(Log)를 쓰는 개념인 '개인 블로그(Blog)'로써 개인 미니 홈페이지 형태이다. 이는 단순한 트렌드에 그치는 것이 아니라, 2000 년대 초 카페나 커뮤니티를 기반으로 한 '집단(group) 사이버 문화'를 '개인 (individual) 사이버 문화'로 전환시키는 하나의 문화적 수준에서 논의되고 있다. 그런데 블로그 사이버 문화는 자본주의 소비문화와 밀접하게 연결된다. 현대의 사이비 문화는 개인의 능동적 선택과 이용을 전재로 하므로 자율적이고 독창적인 방식으로 미디어 문화를 소비하는 데, 자본주의 경제사회 속에서 개인의 자율성은 표면적인 이미지에 지나지 않는다. 특히 싸이월드와 같은 개인 미디어는 더욱 개인의 자율성에 기반한 문화행위를 실천하지만, 사실 싸이월드틀 움직이는 경제구조 속에서 규제된다. 싸이월드 이용자가 기본 미니홈피 플랫폼에 자신만의 개성을 표현하기 위해서는 '도토리' 라는 싸이월드의 전자화폐를 사용해야 하고, 이를 이용해 미니룸, 미니미, 스킨, 배경음악 등의 아이템을 구매한다. 그러나 싸이월드 이용자들은 개인의 자율성에 의해 소비행위를 창출하는 것이므로 이를 통해 이윤을 획득하는 자본세력에 대해서는 고려하지 않는다. 이것이 바로 자본주의 소비문화에 의해 지배되는 부정적인 '실제의 왜곡' 이다. 개인의 자율성을 강조함으로써 자본가의 이윤획득 구조를 은폐하여 자본본주의 소비를 재생산하고 강화하는 것이다. 따라서 우리는 개인 문화를 강조하는 현대 미디어 문화구조를 자본주의 권력의 장(場)으로 이해해야 한다. 그리고 미디어 문화의 생산과 소비를 통해 자본주의 소비 문화가 재생산되고 강화되는 현상을 비판함으로써 온라인 블로그의 커뮤니케이션 특성이 생산자(producer)로서의 기능보다 소비자(consumer) 로서의 기능이 강조되고 있음을 이해해야 할 것이다.

• The Journal of Natural Sciences
• /
• v.8 no.2
• /
• pp.289-321
• /
• 1996

After the two big wars (Imjin Woeran and Byungia Horan), the Lee Dynasty confronted rapid transitional periods in almost all aspects of the society. Corruption of the governmental system by the wars and disordered social structures also caused confusion in the social position system. In addition, development of the commercial economic system and monetary economy brought up a new rich middle-class, "Joong in Gyegeup". In ideological aspects, Confucianism indulged in and stick to isms and ics, and the Confucian morality slackened, thus a more pragmatic ideology, "Silhak Sasang", developed. And the emergence of the modern literature and art of the 'common people' was followed by the appearance of the common-people class including those having the common-people concept among the noble-class "Yangban Gyegeup". This evoked a new common costume culture and the fashion appeared. The public could no longer find the power and appeal from the preexisting ruling classes due to the changed role and sense of value. Thus, they sought a new symbolic leader group that would to be the new standard of the newly changed society. That was a group of people called as "Kisaeng" liberal and independent. They were performing social activities, enjoying poetry, music and dancing, and classy dressers, having physically attractive bodies. The erotic as well as luxurious mode proposed by them reflected the trend of that time. It concurred well with the concept and taste of the public, so it was accepted with a good response. That is, by following these leaders, the public achieved their identification and tried to share the prestige of the leaders. For this reason, the Kisaeng group attracted the public attention and led the taste of the public, thereby becoming the influential fashion leaders of that age.

• International Area Studies Review
• /
• v.22 no.2
• /
• pp.163-186
• /
• 2018

The purpose of this study is to analyze the institutional conditions and problems for the transition to the North Korean economic system. As a research method, we first analyzed the legislative processes of 4th stage market reform policies (liberalization, privatization, privatization, and corporation) by major economic transition countries. And we found out the difference with North Korea. Based on this, it analyzed the process of institutionalization of North Korea's 4th stage economic reform policies (7.1 measures, comprehensive market policies, Currency reform, 6.28 policy). According to research, There are three important conditions that can not compare the changes of the North Korean market economy with those of the transition economies. First, the internal and external conditions and environment for the transition of the economic system and the role of the state and civil society are very different. Second, the means and objectives of the policy decision process and the implementation process are different. Third, it differs absolutely in terms of the nature and effectiveness of the nation's political and economic policies. Fourth, the priority, contents, and legislation process of economic policies for economic reform differ considerably from those of North Korea. Especially, when discussing the possibility of transition to the 'Chinese model', it is accompanied a considerable risk. It is because the purpose of market entry of control power in North Korea and their survival network are quite unique. In addition, China's domestic market size, population size, and type of control are quite different from North Korea. A necessary and sufficient condition for the transition of the North Korean economic system is the relaxation of physical control mechanisms and institutions in the market area. Next, it is necessary to make a legitimate institutionalization as well as an entire survey on the illegal ownership market. Based on this, it is necessary to gradually change the dependence of the domestic market on China to South Korea. In other words, this is a paradigm shift in the semi-controlled power exclusion, post-automation and domestic market.