• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.196-219
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• 2019

According to the Samguk Yusa, the nine-story wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple was built by a Baekje artisan named Abiji in 645. Until the temple was burnt down completely during the Mongol invasion of Korea in 1238, it was the greatest symbol of the spiritual culture of the Korean people at that time and played an important role in the development of Buddhist thought in the country for about 700 years. At present, the only remaining features of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which is now in ruins, are the pagoda's stylobate and several foundation stones. In the past, many researchers made diverse inferences concerning the restoration of the original structure and the overall architecture of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple, based on written records and excavation data. However, this information, together with the remaining external structure of the pagoda site and the assumption that it was a simple wooden structure, actually suggest that it was a rectangular-shaped nine-story pagoda. It is assumed that such ideas were suggested at a time when there was a lack of relevant data and limited knowledge on the subject, as well as insufficient information about the technical lineage of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple; therefore, these ideas should be revised in respect of the discovery of new data and an improved level of awareness about the structural features of large ancient Buddhist pagodas. This study focused on the necessity of raising awareness of the lineage and structure of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple and gaining a broader understanding of the structural system of ancient Buddhist pagodas in East Asia. The study is based on a reanalysis of data about the site of the wooden pagoda obtained through research on the restoration of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which has been ongoing since 2005. It is estimated that the wooden pagoda underwent at least two large-scale repairs between the Unified Silla and Goryeo periods, during which the size of the stylobate and the floor plan were changed and, accordingly, the upper structure was modified to a significant degree. Judging by the features discovered during excavation and investigation, traces relating to the nine-story wooden pagoda built during the Three Kingdoms Period include the earth on which the stylobate was built and the central pillar's supporting stone, which had been reinstalled using the rammed earth technique, as well as other foundation stones and stylobate stone materials that most probably date back to the ninth century or earlier. It seems that the foundation stones and stylobate stone materials were new when the reliquaries were enshrined again in the pagoda after the Unified Silla period, so the first story and upper structure would have been of a markedly different size to those of the original wooden pagoda. In addition, during the Goryeo period, these foundation stones were rearranged, and the cover stone was newly installed; therefore, the pagoda would seem to have undergone significant changes in size and structure compared to previous periods. Consequently, the actual structure of the original wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple should be understood in terms of the changes in large Buddhist pagodas built in East Asia at that time, and the technical lineage should start with the large Buddhist pagodas of the Baekje dynasty, which were influenced by the Northern dynasty of China. Furthermore, based on the archeological data obtained from the analysis of the images of the nine-story rock-carved pagoda depicted on the Rock-carved Buddhas in Tapgok Valley at Namsan Mountain in Gyeongju, and the gilt-bronze rail fragments excavated from the lecture hall at the site of Hwangnyongsa Temple, the wooden pagoda would appear to have originally been an octagonal nine-story pagoda with a dual structure, rather than a simple rectangular wooden structure.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.2
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• pp.62-85
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• 2009

The Nam-Hae Sin-sa, the South Sea shrine in Yeong-Am, Korea was a national institution for public peace and bliss, was excavated in 2000, and the shrine and the 3-way-gate were reconstructed in 2001. Hae Sin-sa, the Sea shrine is a place for religious service separated into the Nam-Hae Sin-sa, the Dong-Hae Myo, and the Seo-Hae Dan. The Dong-Hae Myo was reconstructed, but restored shrine and 3-way-gate of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa is not perfect in comparison with excavation plan in 2000, therefore new reconstruction was researched through the related literature, the analysis of historical maps and excavation results, the interview with the concerned people and the case study. This research defines the analysis of the Plan of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa Reconstruction as follows. 1. The Nam-Hae Sin-sa was the institution for religious service operated by national direct management, represents the shrine for public peace and bliss on the Mountain, the Sea, and the River. Especially the Nam-Hae Sin-sa had an important position on the pivot of international trade with China and Japan, and had a role of main shrine with another one in the Mt. Ji-ri San. 2. The name of the Sea shrine was called as Nam-Hae Sin-sa(the South Sea shrine), Dong-Hae Myo(the East Sea shrine), Seo-Hae Dan(the West Sea shrine). But the name of the South Sea shrine had changed in the early period of Chosun as Nam-Hae Sin-sa to the later Chosun as Nam-Hae Dang through the research of related literature and historical map. Such as the Seo-Hae Dan, it was constructed for the Dan, the flat raised-floor without buildings, and changed to the type of Sa-Dang with addition of buildings. 3. The historical map of Hae Sin-sa informs the types of the roof, the Mat-bae roof was used in the Dong-Hae Myo, but the Pal-jak roof was showed in the Seo-Hae Dan and the Nam-Hae Sin-sa. 4. According to the analysis of Yong-Ch'uck the unit length, Nam-Hae Sin-sa was reconstructed in the period of Koryo on large scale, but it was restored in the Chosun on middle scale. And the Unit of Yong Ch'uck was changed into Yeong-jo Ch'uck in the period of Chosun. 5. As the results, The Plan of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa Reconstruction designed the new shrine into the 3 Kan front and the 2 Kan side with 3:2 scale. An-ch'o-gong with Yong-du and Yong Mi the ornaments represents head and tail of dragon, the Un-gong and the ornament of Pa-ryun-dae-gong in the building, and the Ch'ung-ryang of the Yong-du show the image of the institution for religious service for the god of the sea who look like dragon. The inner gate building and the main entrance were designed as same plan and scale as Hyang-gyo, the Korean Traditional School and Shrine of Confucianism, on the basis of results of excavation. Raise the 3-tall gate of the main entrance with harmony of the scale and the shape, because the side of gate building has the Mat-bae roof. 6. This research shows that Plan of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa Reconstruction is composed into shrine space and reservation space from the main entrance to inner gate and shrine like Jung-ak Dan in the Mt. Gye-ryong San, and it also informs the well in the west side of Sin-sa is an important factor of the plan of shrine architecture.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.3
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• pp.178-199
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• 2011

The ancient tombs found in Bokcheon-dong, Busan originate from the time between the $4^{th}$ and $5^{th}$ centuries, the period of the Three Nations. They are known as the tombs where the Vertical Plate Armour was mainly buried. In 2006, two units of the Vertical Plate Armour were additionally investigated in the tombs No.164 and No.165 which had been constructed at the end of the eastern slope near the hill of the group of ancient tombs in Bokcheon-dong. Throughout this study, the contents of the two units of the Vertical Plate Armour, whose preservation process has been completed, have been arranged, while the group of constructed ancient tombs in Bokcheon-dong from the $4^{th}$ century has been observed through the consideration of the burial pattern. The units of the Vertical Plate Armour from the tombs No.164 and No.165 can be classified as the IIa-typed armor showing the Gyeongju and Ulsan patterns, according to the attribute of the manufacturing technology. Also, they can be chronologically recorded as those from the early period of Stage II among the three stages regarding the chronological recording of the Vertical Plate Armour. While more than two units of the Vertical Plate Armour were buried in the largesized tomb on the top of the hill of the group of ancient tombs, one unit of the Vertical Plate Armour was buried in the small-sized tomb. By considering such a trend, it can be said that in the stage of burying the armor showing the Gyeongju and Ulsan patterns (I-type and IIa-type), different units of the Vertical Plate Armour were buried according to the size of the tomb. However, as the armor showing the Busan pattern (IIb-type) was settled, only one unit was buried. Meanwhile, the tombs No.164 and No.165 can be included in the wooden chamber tomb showing the Gyeongju pattern, which is a slender rectangular wooden chamber tomb with the aspect ratio of more than 1:3. However, according to the trend shown by the buried earthenware, it can be said that there seem to be common types and patterns shared with the earthenware which has been found in the area of Gimhae and is called the one showing the Geumgwan Gaya pattern. In other words, there seem to be close relationships between the subject tombs and the tomb No.3 in Gujeong-dong and the tomb No.55 in Sara-ri, Gyeongju, regarding the types of armor and tombs and the arrangement of buried artifacts. However, the buried earthenware shows a relationship with the areas of Busan and Gimhae. By considering the combined trend of the Gyeongju and Gimhae elements found in one tomb, it is possible to assume that the group of constructed ancient tombs in Bokcheon-dong used to be actively related with both areas. It has been thought that the Vertical Plate Armour used to be the exclusive property of the upper hierarchy until now, since it was buried in the large-sized tomb located on the top of the hill of the group of ancient tombs in Bokcheondong. However, as shown in case of the tombs No.164 and No.165, it has been verified that the Vertical Plate Armour was also buried in the small-sized tomb in terms of such factors as locations, sizes, the amount of buried artifacts and the qualitative aspect. Therefore, it is impossible to discuss the hierarchical characteristic of the tomb just based on the buried units of the Vertical Plate Armour. Also, it is difficult to assume that armor used to symbolize the domination of the military forces. The hierarchical characteristic of the group of constructed ancient tombs in Bokcheon-dong from the $4^{th}$ century can be verified according to the location and size of each tomb. As are sult, the re seem to be some differences regarding the buried units of the vertical plate armour. However, it would be necessary to carry out amore multilateral examination in order to find out whether the burial of the vertical plate armour could be regarded as the artifact which symbolizes the status or class of the deceased.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.3
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• pp.230-250
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• 2013

possessed by Dong-A University Museum is designated as Treasure No. 595, and has been known for a more exquisite, delicate and realistic expression and a colorful three-dimensional structure compared to the 'grass and insect painting' work and its value in art history. However, it has not been analyzed and studied in fabric craft despite it being an embroidered work. This study used scientific devices to examine and analyze the Screen's fabric, thread colors, and embroidery techniques to clarify its patterns and fabric craft characteristics for its value in the history of fabric craft. As a result, consists of eight sides and its subject matters and composition are similar to those of the general paintings of grass and insects. The patterns on each side of the 'grass and insect painting' include cucumber, cockscomb, day lily, balsam pear, gillyflower, watermelon, eggplant, and chrysanthemums from the first side. Among these flowers, the balsam pear is a special material not found in the existing paintings of grass and insect. The eighth side only has the chrysanthemums with no insects and reptiles, making it different from the typical forms of the paintings of grass and insect. The fabric of the Screen uses black that is not seen in other decorative embroideries to emphasize and maximize various colors of threads. The fabric used the weave structure of 5-end satin called Gong Dan [non-patterned satin]. The threads used extremely slightly twisted threads that are incidentally twisted. Some threads use one color, while other threads use two or mixed colors in combination for three-dimensional expressions. Because the threads are severely deterioration and faded, it is impossible to know the original colors, but the most frequently used colors are yellow to green and other colors remaining relatively prominently are blue, grown, and violet. The colors of day lily, gillyflower, and strawberries are currently remaining as reddish yellow, but it is anticipated that they were originally orange and red considering the existing paintings of grass and insects. The embroidery technique was mostly surface satin stitch to fill the surfaces. This shows the traditional women's wisdom to reduce the waste of color threads. Satin stitch is a relatively simple embroidery technique for decorating a surface, but it uses various color threads and divides the surfaces for combined vertical, horizontal, and diagonal stitches or for the combination of long and short stitches for various textures and the sense of volume. The bodies of insects use the combination of buttonhole stitch, outline stitch, and satin stitch for three-dimensional expressions, but the use of buttonhole stitch is particularly noticeable. In addition to that, decorative stitches were used to give volume to the leaves and surface pine needle stitches were done on the scouring rush to add more realistic texture. Decorative stitches were added on top of gillyflower, strawberries, and cucumbers for a more delicate touch. is valuable in the history of paintings and art and bears great importance in the history of Korean embroidery as it uses outstanding technique and colors of Korea to express the Shin Sa-im-dang's 'Grass and Insect Painting'.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.161-177
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• 2019

In this paper, we study the performance improvement of the answer extraction in Question-Answering system by using sentence dependency parsing result. The Question-Answering (QA) system consists of query analysis, which is a method of analyzing the user's query, and answer extraction, which is a method to extract appropriate answers in the document. And various studies have been conducted on two methods. In order to improve the performance of answer extraction, it is necessary to accurately reflect the grammatical information of sentences. In Korean, because word order structure is free and omission of sentence components is frequent, dependency parsing is a good way to analyze Korean syntax. Therefore, in this study, we improved the performance of the answer extraction by adding the features generated by dependency parsing analysis to the inputs of the answer extraction model (Bidirectional LSTM-CRF). The process of generating the dependency graph embedding consists of the steps of generating the dependency graph from the dependency parsing result and learning the embedding of the graph. In this study, we compared the performance of the answer extraction model when inputting basic word features generated without the dependency parsing and the performance of the model when inputting the addition of the Eojeol tag feature and dependency graph embedding feature. Since dependency parsing is performed on a basic unit of an Eojeol, which is a component of sentences separated by a space, the tag information of the Eojeol can be obtained as a result of the dependency parsing. The Eojeol tag feature means the tag information of the Eojeol. The process of generating the dependency graph embedding consists of the steps of generating the dependency graph from the dependency parsing result and learning the embedding of the graph. From the dependency parsing result, a graph is generated from the Eojeol to the node, the dependency between the Eojeol to the edge, and the Eojeol tag to the node label. In this process, an undirected graph is generated or a directed graph is generated according to whether or not the dependency relation direction is considered. To obtain the embedding of the graph, we used Graph2Vec, which is a method of finding the embedding of the graph by the subgraphs constituting a graph. We can specify the maximum path length between nodes in the process of finding subgraphs of a graph. If the maximum path length between nodes is 1, graph embedding is generated only by direct dependency between Eojeol, and graph embedding is generated including indirect dependencies as the maximum path length between nodes becomes larger. In the experiment, the maximum path length between nodes is adjusted differently from 1 to 3 depending on whether direction of dependency is considered or not, and the performance of answer extraction is measured. Experimental results show that both Eojeol tag feature and dependency graph embedding feature improve the performance of answer extraction. In particular, considering the direction of the dependency relation and extracting the dependency graph generated with the maximum path length of 1 in the subgraph extraction process in Graph2Vec as the input of the model, the highest answer extraction performance was shown. As a result of these experiments, we concluded that it is better to take into account the direction of dependence and to consider only the direct connection rather than the indirect dependence between the words. The significance of this study is as follows. First, we improved the performance of answer extraction by adding features using dependency parsing results, taking into account the characteristics of Korean, which is free of word order structure and omission of sentence components. Second, we generated feature of dependency parsing result by learning - based graph embedding method without defining the pattern of dependency between Eojeol. Future research directions are as follows. In this study, the features generated as a result of the dependency parsing are applied only to the answer extraction model in order to grasp the meaning. However, in the future, if the performance is confirmed by applying the features to various natural language processing models such as sentiment analysis or name entity recognition, the validity of the features can be verified more accurately.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.2
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• pp.4-19
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• 2016

Jangkei(狀啓) made to the Royal Court by Yi Sun-sin during the Japanese invasions of Korea is handed down under the names of Jangcho(狀草), Keicho(啓草), Keibon(啓本) and others depending on copying patterns of those times and later times as it was copied out by a third person. In particular, "YimjinJangcho(壬辰狀草)" which Yi drew up during his service as the director of the naval forces in Jeolla Jwasooyeong is known as the most popular Jangkei. "ChungMinKongKeicho" which has been re-located recently after loss is a national treasure level cultural property as valuable as "YimjinJangcho" and should be treated as a model of Yi Sun-sin's other Jangkeis by next generations. As of now, however it is not confirmed if it is a totally new book related to Yi Sun-sin or is supplementary to the lost Jangkei, this study decided to ascertain relevant information through a bibliographic discussion on the question. "Chungmin(忠愍)" was the title that was used after the death of Yi Sun-sin, and "ChungMinKongKeicho" was completed when Jangkei was copied in 1662. 12 books that would not be found in YimjinJangcho are included in the book and such books are also present in the Jangkei supplement which has been known lost so far. What should be especially focused on here is that the forms and contents of these (11) photographs that Japanese shot from "ChungMinKongKeicho" in 1928 turned out to be completely identical to those of the original copy. The point that Korean History Compilation Committee added the 12 books to Jangkei as referring to the book as "One Keicho(啓草) partially copied(抄寫) in separation" and that Cho Sung-do categorized the 12 books into a supplement and others can be solid proofs to make the Jangkei supplement called "ChungMinKongKeicho". In terms of "ChungMooKongKeicho", since it consists of 62 books in total, it is not reasonable to see the book as Jangkei supplement which has the extra 12 more books for itself. "ChungMooKongKeibon" in "ChungMooKongYusa" was written with a total of 16 books. In the body, Yidumun is only clearly present, and the three books in the later part are same with the original copy of "ChungMooKongKeicho". "YimjinJangcho" by Korean History Compilation Committee has been the only book in which Yidumun was observed so far but now, it is assumed that the publication date of "ChungMooKongKeibon" goes before that of the former. The counterargument to the opinion that "ChungMinKongKeicho" is the supplement to Jangkei is based on Lee Eun-sang's comment "One page of a log in the Jangkei copy supplement." At first Seol Ui-sik introduced a piece photo of the rough draft of "MoosulIlki" in a drawing form through "Nanjung Ilkicho by Yi Sun-sin" in 1953. Lee Eun-sang also added two pages of the handwritten Yilkicho in the Jangkeichobon supplement to "MoosulIlki" and for the second time, the phrase "One page of a log written during the last 10 days after the Jangkei copy supplement" and "Supplement" were used. Those views are originated from the comment "One photograph of the rough draft of "MoosulIlki"" which Seol Ui-sik introduced without knowledge of the exact source. Lee Eun-sang said, "One page of a log in the Jangkei copy supplement" because Lee mistook "ChungMooKongYusa" for a book related to Jangkei. Since it is the wrong argument different from the actual situation of the original copy, if it has to be corrected, it should be rephrased "One page of a log in ChungMooKongYusa." After all, the source of the counterargument is the mistake because there has never been the Jangkei supplement with one page of a log included. All the Jangkeis other than "YimjinJangcho" can be said as the Jangkei supplements but still, they are separated from the other Jangkeis for the extra 12 more books are present in the commonly-called Jangkei supplement. Due to that reason, the argument on how "ChungMinKongKeicho" with the 12 books added is the popular Jangkei supplement should be considered more reasonable.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.39
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• pp.95-130
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• 2006

Japanese government college researchers, including Sekino Tadashi(關野貞), have conducted research studies and collected data, on overall Korean cultural relics as well as Silla tumuli(新羅古墳) in the early modern times under the Japanese imperialistic rule. They were supported by the Meichi government in the early stage of research, by the Chosun government-general, and by their related organizations after Korea was coIonialized to carry out investigations on Korean antiquities, fine arts, architecture, anthropology, folklore, and so on. The objective for which they prosecuted inquiries into Korean cultural relics, including Silla tumuli, may be attributed to the purport to find out such data as needed for the theoretical foundation to justify their colonialization of Korea. Such a reason often showed locally biased or distorted views. Investigations and surveys had been incessantly carried out by those Japanese scholars who took a keen interest in Korean tumuli and excavated relics since 1886. 'Korea Architecture Survey Reports' conducted in 1904 by Sekino in Korea gives a brief introduction of the contents of Korean tumuli, including the Five Royal Mausoleums(五陵). And in 1906 Imanishi Ryu(今西龍) launched for the first time an excavation survey on Buksan Tumulus(北山古墳) in Sogeumgangsan(小金剛山) and on 'Namchong(南塚)' in Hwangnam-dong, which greatly contributed to the foundation of a basic understanding of Wooden chamber tombs with stone mound(積石木槨墳) and stone chambers with tunnel entrance(橫穴式石室墳). The ground plan and cross section of stone chambers made in 1909 at his excavation survey of seokchimchong(石枕塚) by Yazui Seiyichi(谷井第一) who majored in architecture made a drawing in excavation surveys for the first time in Korea, in which numerical expressions are sharply distinguished from the previous sketched ones. And even in the following excavation surveys this kind of drawing continued. Imanishi and Yazui elucidated that wooden chambers with stone mound chronologically differs from the stone chambers with tunnel entrance on the basis of the results of surveys of the locational characteristics of Silla tumuli, the forms and size of tomb entrance, excavated relics, and so forth. The government-general put in force 'the Historic Spots and Relics Preservation Rules' and 'the Historic Spots Survey Council Regulations' in 1916, establishing 'Historic Spots Survey Council and Museum Conference. When museums initiated their activities, they exhibited those relics excavated from tumuli and conducted surveys of relics with the permission of the Chosun government-general. A gold crown tomb(金冠塚) was excavated and surveyed in 1921 and a seobong tomb(瑞鳳塚) in 1927. Concomitantly with this large size wooden chamber tombs with stone mound attracted strong public attention. Furthermore, a variety of surveys of spots throughout the country were carried out but publication of tumuli had not yet been realized. Recently some researchers's endeavors led to publish unpublished reports. However, the reason why reports of such significant tumuli as seobong tomb had not yet been published may be ascribed to the critical point in those days. The Gyeongju Tumuli Distribution Chart made by Nomori Ken(野守健) on the basis of the land register in the late 1920s seems of much significance in that it specifies the size and locations of 155 tumuli and shows the overall shape of tumuli groups within the city, as used in today's distribution chart. In the 1930s Arimitsu Kyoichi(有光敎一) and Saito Tadashi(齋藤忠) identified through excavation surveys of many wooden chamber tombs with stone mound and stone chambers with tunnel entrance, that there were several forms of tombs in a tomb system. In particular, his excavation survey experience of those wooden chamber tombs with stone mound which were exposed in complicated and overlapped forms show features more developed than that of preceding excavation surveys and reports publication, and so on. The result of having reviewed the contents of many historic spots surveyed at that time. Therefore this reexamination is considered to be a significant project in arranging the history of archaeology in Korea.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.383-421
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• 2017

Because the Jitsori and the Hotsori of the Beompae(the Korean Budhhist chant) has no meter and no Jangdan(a Rhythmic cycle of the Korean Music), so it is hard to analyze the melody of the Beompae. Also the melody of the Beompae is different from that of the other Korean traditional music, so studying of the Beompae has been out of the limelight of many scholars, studying the Korean music. But the melody of Beompae had been handed down for thousands of years in Korea, it and other Korean trditional music, had exchanged the impacts each other for a longtime. So I thinks that the Korean Beomapae have shared the similarity of the musical features with the other Korean traditional music. Because the Beompae of the Bulmosan Yeongsanjae on the Geongsangnamdo province has also no meters and no Jangdan, it is difficult to understand, too. But because the Onghoge of Bulmosan Yeongsanjae have a well-regulated melodic structure in comparison with the Beompae of the Seoul province, so called Geongjae Beompae, it seem to be easy to analyze its melody. So I will analyze the melody of Bulmosan Yeongsanjae Onghoge. This analyze should be contribute to investigate the rule of the melodic progress method on the convoluted Beompae melody. Onghoge has been sung on the procedure for Siryeon, Samsiniun(Goebuliun), Jojeonjeoman, Sinjungjakbeop. And the monk for the ritual has sung the chant first to purify the ritual place and to protect the soul. They has called the song, Onghoge a Jitsori at the Bulmosan Yeongsanjae preservation society of the Gyeongnam province. Commonly, there were Jitsori and Hotsori in the Beompae melody, and the melody of Jitsori is longer than that of the Hotsori. So, the melody of Onghoge is lengthened. In other word, the melody of the Onghoge show the lengthened and curved melodic feture of the Beompae very well. Hahn Manyeong, who had studied on the Beompae, Budhhist chant, said that the Hotsori has five letters in a phrase, and there were 4 phrases in a song. And he had insisted that the form of the song, Hotsori, is ABAB. I analyze the melody of the Onghoge by the Hahn's method. I will extract the Wonjeom(a primary tone of a skeletal melodic structure) from the melody of Onghoge, and in the progress of the Wonjeom of Onghoge melodies, I will arrange the repeat of the Wonjeom melody. It is a structural melody of Onghoge. The first phrase of Bulmosan Yeongsanjae Onghoge, 'Pal bu geum gang ho do ryang(八部金剛護道場)' have 4 structural melodies, the second phrase 'Gong sin sog bu bo cheon wang(空神速赴報天王)', the third phrase 'Sam gye je cheon ham le jip(三界諸天咸來集)', the firth phrase 'Yeo geum bul chal bo jeong sang(如今佛刹補禎祥)' have 2 structural melodies each. The structural melodies of Onghoge are 10 in total. And the structural melody of the Onghoge is formed the shape of 'Mi - La - do - La - Mi'. All of the Onghoge melodies is repeated 10 times by the melodic shape. The form of the Onghoge is not ABAB by Hahn, but is 10 times repeat of the shape.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.35
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• pp.61-92
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• 2017

During the Japanese colonial era, traditional music performances were gradually diminishing and weakening in the particular condition of colonization. Meanwhile, from the time of enlightenment, Western genre performances were becoming vitalized with the influence of Western civilization that began to be spread steadily throughout the society. In that situation, traditional music performances tended to be mixed performances accompanied by Western ones, not independent performances. Mostly, they were accompanied by Western music, and also, they were performed along with other genres like plays, lectures, movies, dances, or magic, too. Such form of mixed performances accompanied by Western genres became even more vitalized in the 1920's and came to be positioned as a form of traditional music performances. Therefore, research on the forms of mixed performances between Western genres and traditional music is meaningful in examining the forms of traditional music performances that have not been studied in the history of Korean modern music and understanding the trends of traditional music performances which were generally found in the Japanese colonial era. However, such research has hardly been conducted concretely yet. Accordingly, concerning the forms of mixed performances between Western genres and traditional music in the 1920's, this author considered the background of vitalizing mixed performances between Western genres and traditional music mainly with newspaper articles of the time and their formal characteristics. Regarding the background of vitalizing the forms of mixed performances between Western genres and traditional music, from the 1920's, the forms of mixed performances between Western genres and traditional music became more vitalized than before. The causes of that may include the increase of groups hosting or sponsoring such performances from the 1920's and also the dramatic increase of such performances in general. Moreover, the increased performances were conducted in the forms of mixed performances mainly in order to satisfy the people's needs becoming diversified with the distribution of Western civilization. Concerning the formal characteristics of mixed performances between Western genres and traditional music, this researcher classified western genres performed with traditional music and examined what characteristics were found in such mixed performances of tradition music by the types of Western genres respectively. First, in the mixed performances type of western-type genre and traditional music, the number of programs for the western music had significant portion in general, and there were certain ensemble of the western music and traditional musical instrument that was rare at this period of time, and it also had the characteristics of classifying two genres to perform for each title or date. Second, in the mixed performances type of the drama and traditional music, the traditional music is directly participated in the drama with the similar type to the theater, or performed independently from the drama with the role of interlude performance for the stage conversion of the drama to have the characteristics of performing in audience publicity or entertainment. Third, in the mixed performances type of the lecture and traditional music, the traditional music is played before or after the lecture to play the role to set the atmosphere and entertainment for the lecture as displaying the feature to perform for the audience attraction. And, fourth, in the mixed performances type of the movie and traditional music, the traditional music sometimes directly participated in the movie or had the features of independent performance, and there was a characteristic to perform for the entertainment after showing a movie.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.104-129
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• 2020

Designated as a national treasure of Korea and inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List, the Tripitaka Koreana at Haeinsa Temple is the world's oldest and most comprehensive extant version of the Tripitaka in Hanja script (i.e., Chinese characters). The set consists of 81,352 carved woodblocks, some of which have two or more copies, which are known as "duplicate woodblocks." These duplicates are supplementary woodblocks (bogakpan) that were carved some time after the original production, likely to replace blocks that had been eroded or damaged by repeated printings. According to the most recent survey, the number of supplementary woodblocks is 118, or approximately 0.14% of the total set, which attests to the outstanding preservation of the original woodblocks. Research on the supplementary woodblocks can reveal important details about the preservation and management of the Tripitaka Koreana woodblocks. Most of the supplementary woodblocks were carved during the Joseon period (1392-1910) or Japanese colonial period (1910-1945). Although the details of the woodblocks from the Japanese colonial period have been recorded and organized to a certain extent, no such efforts have been made with regards to the woodblocks from the Joseon period. This paper analyzes the characteristics and production date of the supplementary woodblocks of the Tripitaka Koreana. The sutra with the most supplementary woodblocks is the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra (Perfection of Transcendental Wisdom), often known as the Heart Sutra. In fact, 76 of the total 118 supplementary woodblocks (64.4%) are for this sutra. Hence, analyses of printed versions of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra should illuminate trends in the carving of supplementary woodblocks for the Tripitaka Koreana, including the representative characteristics of different periods. According to analysis of the 76 supplementary woodblocks of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra, 23 were carved during the Japanese colonial period: 12 in 1915 and 11 in 1937. The remaining 53 were carved during the Joseon period at three separate times. First, 14 of the woodblocks bear the inscription "carved in the mujin year by Haeji" ("戊辰年更刻海志"). Here, the "mujin year" is estimated to correspond to 1448, or the thirtieth year of the reign of King Sejong. On many of these 14 woodblocks, the name of the person who did the carving is engraved outside the border. One of these names is Seonggyeong, an artisan who is known to have been active in 1446, thus supporting the conclusion that the mujin year corresponds to 1448. The vertical length of these woodblocks (inside the border) is 21 cm, which is about 1 cm shorter than the original woodblocks. Some of these blocks were carved in the Zhao Mengfu script. Distinguishing features include the appearance of faint lines on some plates, and the rough finish of the bottoms. The second group of supplementary woodblocks was carved shortly after 1865, when the monks Namho Yeonggi and Haemyeong Jangung had two copies of the Tripitaka Koreana printed. At the time, some of the pages could not be printed because the original woodblocks were damaged. This is confirmed by the missing pages of the extant copy that is now preserved at Woljeongsa Temple. As a result, the supplementary woodblocks are estimated to have been produced immediately after the printing. Evidently, however, not all of the damaged woodblocks could be replaced at this time, as only six woodblocks (comprising eight pages) were carved. On the 1865 woodblocks, lines can be seen between the columns, no red paint was applied, and the prayers of patrons were also carved into the plates. The third carving of supplementary woodblocks occurred just before 1899, when the imperial court of the Korean Empire sponsored a new printing of the Tripitaka Koreana. Government officials who were dispatched to supervise the printing likely inspected the existing blocks and ordered supplementary woodblocks to be carved to replace those that were damaged. A total of 33 supplementary woodblocks (comprising 56 pages) were carved at this time, accounting for the largest number of supplementary woodblocks for the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra. On the 1899 supplementary woodblocks, red paint was applied to each plate and one line was left blank at both ends.