• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.19
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• pp.37-50
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• 2010

The purpose of this paper is to explore the hegemonic masculinity in Disney animated feature films in terms of Antonio Gramsci's hegemony and R. W. Connell's hegemonic masculinity. According to Gramsci, hegemony refers to the predominance of a dominant group over other groups. By the same token, Connell uses the term hegemony as the configuration of gender practice which embodies the domination of men and the subordination of women. He describes four masculinities to explore male hierarchy in male groups: hegemonic masculinity, subordinated masculinity, complicit masculinity, and marginalized masculinity. Through Connell's terms, this study investigates masculinities in Disney films, especially Beauty and the Beast (1991) in relation to hegemonic masculinity. As a result, Disney describes repeatedly hegemonic masculinity as hard body defined by Susan Jeffords and supports tacitly the domination of a specific male group.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.13
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• pp.121-156
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• 1999

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.173
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• pp.20-21
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• 1995

서구의 문헌 속에 감춰진 제국주의적 오만과 편견을 놀라울 만한 박식함으로 분석해낸 "오리엔탈리즘"의 저자 에드워드 사이드가 펴낸 "문화와 제국주의"는 그의 중심사상을 집약해 보인다는 점에서 중요한 의의를 갖는다. 그는 이 책에서 문화적 억압과 이념적 지배의 영역까지 파고들어간 제국주의 이데올로기의 헤게모니를 파악해야 한다고 말한다.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.89-126
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• 2013

The Red shirts came to attract attention of the international community during April to May in 2010 by successfully organizing explosive popular demonstrations. The momentum was the military coup on September 9, 2006. The Red color was chosen amid movements against the new constitution instituted under the military junta. In discourse struggles, the Red shirts compared their resistance against the Democratic Party government lead by Abhisit Vejjajiva to that of phrai (commoner or serfs) against ammart (aristocrats or bureaucrats) under the pre-modern reign of sakdina. The Red shirts strongly accused Prem Tinsulanonda, the chief of the Privy Council, of being a mastermind of 2006 military coup, who symbolically represents the cohesion between the palace and the military. It has constituted an unprecedented defiance towards national taboo where the trinity of Nation, Religion, and King has been consecrated. The objective of this article is to review the Red Shirts' ideology, organizations and activities in terms of the modernized phrai's struggles for expanding counter-hegemony. While Antonio Gramsci focused on why socialist revolution had failed to materialize in capitalist Western Europe, I pay attention to why political liberalism has failed to wash away pre-modernity and take root in capitalist Thailand, applying the Gramscian concept of hegemony by contrasting 'hybrid ammart' with 'modernized phrai'.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.111-136
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• 2016

This paper focuses on the national "flagging" as a current affair, important phenomenon. National flags, it sees, take over varous places, control the surrounding space, and even dictate everybody's perspective by being visualized everywhere anytime. It investigates the issue of national flags and their hoisting poles as a sort of apparatuses that interpellate me as well as us into patriotic 'gookmin'. The placement, arrangement of national flag poles around the country continued throughout 2015 and particularly speeded up in October of the year is regarded as a key symbolic, symptomatic sign to read the transformation of political conjuncture. Preparing a radically conjuncturist cultural study about the changing reality, the researcher will see the flagging poles as a phenomenal result, outcoming of certain intent and plan for reconstructing the political actuality. More precisely, he will interpretate the tall omni-present poles of national flags as a dispositif of appearing the neoliberal/neoconservative capitalist state, as a apparatus of constituting and expressing the masses' psycho-ideological condition of today. The researcher, who perceives the national flag poles as a kind of ISAs. will first review the increased flagging phenomenon and related media discourses. Next, he will critically investigate the 'love our country' 'national flagging' movements organized by the above and operated from the bottom. Then, he will focus more on the very tall national flag poles built and seen around the country. Finally, he will conclude the study with a critical remark, touching briefly the case of controversy over setting a pole in the center of Seoul city square.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.42 no.2 s.119
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• pp.196-217
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• 2007

During the last decade, Los Angeles Koreatown experienced unprecedented changes transforming it from an immigrant ethnic enclave into a transnational economic space. Alongside of the city government's redevelopment plans and local Korean Americans' grass-root efforts to regenerate Koreatown, transnational Korean actors have aggressively invested in property as well as business sectors. However, despite these multi-scaled geographic transitions, Koreatown remains one of the poorest and most crime-infested inner-city communities in the City of Los Angeles. This paper, based on a 'place-based' bottom-up approach, investigates contradictory geographies of Koreatown in which multi-scaled network of hegemonic transnational, urban and local development actors has developed representational, unlived economies. This research points out that the recent urban regeneration of Koreatown has not only excluded but also exploited local community members such as transnational Korean/Latino workers in the area. This paper conclusively suggests that the sustainable future of Koreatown's development would stem from place-based community consciousness that crisscrosses racial and ethnic boundaries.

• 기호학연구
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• no.57
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• pp.91-120
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• 2018

This study was contemplated about an aspects of modernity that was discovered of ImcheonByeolgok(林川別曲) written by Okgukjae Lee, Un-young in 18th Century. It was composed time that unprecedented state in the 18th century. So, I considered that Modernity was the most appeared at 18th Century. During this period, Changes has happened in ideology and system in terms of politics, economy, society and culture. This change is the beginning of a new modern consciousness. There is also a tendency to think of Imcheonbyeolgok as the autobiographical story of Lee, Yun-young. It seems that Lee, Yun-young has a progressive scholarly thought, but he did not reveal his own situation by insulting him. Therefore, I am not realistically valid for being able to see it as an autobiographical story that he actually experienced. Also, although ImcheonByeolgok is known as a love song, it is hard to see it as a love song because its satirical features are strong. and It is characterized by the peculiar form of narrative being described as a dialogue. I picked two aspects of modernity in ImcheonByeolgok. One is resistance to love and desire, and the other is disintegration of the order of identity. The two aspects of this paper were presented as Greimas's Actant Model. ImcheonByeolgok is the result of efforts to show the changing modern Joseon Dynasty's elements in the form of resistance and resistance to Joseon's feudal society, such as Confucian ideology and identity systems. Thus, I suggested the corrupt ruling class of Joseon's feudal society and the exploited working class life as an old living and a grandmother instead of 'resistance' and 'disposal' in the 18th century. The criticism of traditional feudal societies that emerged in the 18th century turned out to be a hegemony that distinguishes the Middle Ages from the Modern Age, which resulted in differences between the ages before and after the 18th century. Although these hegemony were not clearly distinguished in household literature in the 18th century, it was established and developed in the 19th century. I suggested that Lim's Star Song was an important work that played an important role in bringing about this change.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.33-52
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• 2022

The History and Culture Park and the Lee Kun-hee Donation Hall will be built in Songhyeon-dong, Seoul. Political games from the Joseon Dynasty to the present greatly influenced the historicity of Songhyeon-dong. However, place analysis was limited to changes in landowners and land uses rather than a historical context. Therefore, this study analyzed the context in which the placeness of Songhyeon-dong changed according to the emergence of cultural hegemony using the perspective of modern cultural geography and comparative history. As a result of the analysis, cultural hegemony in historical transitions, such as Sinocentrism, maritime expansion, civil revolutions, imperialism, nationalism, popular art, and neoliberalism, was found to have created new intellectuals in Bukchon, including Songhyeon-dong, and influenced social systems and spatial policies. In this social relations, the placeness of Songhyeon-dong changed as follows. First, the founding forces of Joseon created pine forests as Bibo Forests to invocate the permanence of the dynasty. In the late Joseon dynasty, it was an era of maritime expansion, and as Joseon's yeonhaeng increased, a garden for the Gyeonghwasejok, who enjoyed the culture of the Qing dynasty, was built. Although pine forests and gardens disappeared due to the development of housing complexes as the population soared during the Japanese colonial era, Cha Gyeong's landscape aesthetics, which harmonized artificial gardens and external nature, are worth reinterpreting in modern times. Second, the wave of modernization created a new school in Bukchon and a boarding house in Songhyeon-dong owned by a pro-Japanese faction. Angukdongcheon-gil, next to Songhyeon-dong, was where thinkers who promoted civil revolution and national self-determination exchanged ideas. Songhyeon-dong, the largest boarding house, served as a residence for students to participate in the March 1st Movement and was the cradle of the resulting culture of student movements. The appearance of the old road is preserved, so it is a significant part of the regeneration of walking in the historic city center, connecting Gwanghwamun-Bukchon-Insadong -Donhwamunro. Third, from the cultural rule of the Government General of Joseon to the Military Government, Songhyeon-dong acted as a passage to western culture with the Joseon Siksan Bank's cultural housing and staff accommodations at the U.S. Embassy. Ancient and contemporary art coexisted in the surrounding area, so the modern and contemporary art market was formed. The Lee Kun-hee Donation Hall is expected to form a cultural belt for citizens with the gallery, Bukchon Hanok Village, the Craft Museum, and the Modern Museum of Art. Discourses and challenges are needed to recreate the place in harmony with the forests, gardens, the street of citizens' birth, history and culture park, the art museum, and the surrounding walking network.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.427-449
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• 2015

Network governance can be defined as collaborative process to develop a new socio-political order through civil society centered networking with government and market, and the term 'collaborative governance' can be used in a sense that the basis of governance is collaborative process. In particular, it can be stressed that collaborative governance between regions need double collaborative processes, that is, collaboration between local governments and collaboration between local government and local civil society within a region. Yet, the collaboration as a core element of collaborative governance should not be seen as a pure normativity presupposing confidence and reciprocity, but as a strategy based on competition and antagonism. The normativity implied in the concept of collaborative governance may not realized in actual process, and tends to be mobilized as a rationale for justifying neoliberal strategies. In order to overcome such limits of collaborative governance, the concept of collaborative governance should be reconstructed. This paper suggests that collaborative governance can be seen as hegemonic governing process in a Gramcian sense operating in the government plus civil society, and that, radicalizing Ostrom's concept, it also can be seen as a governing process producing polycentricity by self-regulating subjects. Finally, collaborative governance between regions needs expansion of material basis for economic complementarity and construction of infrastructure as well as a discursive process in order to enhance connectivity between them.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.40 no.5 s.110
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• pp.473-490
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• 2005

The term hybridity has recently emerged as one of the most popularized leitmotivs in contemporary diasporic and transnational problematics on migrants' nomadic experiences. Especially, in postcolonial politics, hybridity is argued to provide a critical 'third space' on which to challenge discursive boundaries and redescribe power-embedded history However, this paper suggests that the hybrid subject position can be easily articulated in producing new cultural discourse and empowering hegemonic subjects in certain spates. Based on distinguishing the intentional, conscious hybridity from the organic, lived hybridity, this research Intends to investigate the Janus-faced, double-edged nature of the postcolonial politics of hybridity in the case of Los Angeles Koreatown. First, I discuss how a place of organic hybridity in Koreatown can lead to challenging invented and depoliticized ethnicity. At the second half of this paper, 1 focus on understanding the ways in which new Korean American professionals and elites employ the discourse of '1.5 generation' as an intentional hybridity for empowering their own political position at a local scale. I conclusively suggest that hybridity should be a deconstructive strategy to unlearn dominant socio-spatial boundaries rather than bring about the third space as a reterritorialized political position.