• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.34 no.3
• /
• pp.98-114
• /
• 2016

The this study aimed to expand urban heritage using Public Goods and to suggest the assemblage of urban heritage and urban spaces in order to improve landscape conservation and management scheme of urban heritage exposed to a rapidly changing urban environment. The results obtained in this study were summarized as follows: First, in order to improve understanding of the heritage in urban spaces, urban heritage were illustrated on a 1:1000 map with all the public facilities surrounding it using a cultural heritage conservation map listed on the Cultural Heritage Administration's web site, standards for changing present condition, and a topographic map. Second, the status and changes of urban heritage and surroundings were analyzed using the minutes of Historical Cultural Heritage Division Committee for 10 years from 2005 to 2014 to create a status map of urban heritage. Land uses surrounding the urban heritage were investigated the areas of conservation potential and the places that can enhance the to find out values of urban heritage. Also, a profile was created to examine the site characteristics surrounding urban heritage, and photos were taken at important heritage areas and public facilities in order to record the field. Third, analyzed were the relationship of the distance, location, function, and distribution between urban heritage and public facilities surrounding the heritage. using visual features and moving routes in order to identify their impacts on urban heritage and their functions as potential resources. In addition, the role of Public Goods in urban spaces and the plan for revitalizing surrounding areas asset were examined. Fourth, selections were made on Public Goods that have direct or indirect effects on urban heritage. The role of public asset was investigated through visual, areal, and linear elements. The results were summarized to suggest improvement landscape and management mauser on of urban heritage.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.65
• /
• pp.365-396
• /
• 2020

I examined the archival basis of two historians who wrote history books with the same title of 'History'; Simaqian of ancient China and Herodotus of Halikarnassos. I examined a prejudice to these two history books, a misunderstanding of them as an imagination rather than a history. How can an imagination become a history? First, I explained the common characteristics found in their compilation and writing of 'History.' Simaqian and Herodotus did their field-works in historical sites, gathered oral-histories, and arranged archives they collected. These two historians heavily engaged in archival works in terms of verifying authenticity and reliability of their sources on the basis of historical empiricism. There are some misunderstanding on their archival endeavor and on the very nature of archives and historical studies as empirical studies. Furthermore, this misunderstanding regarding them as literature came from a confusion over the concept of literature. The creativity of literature is not equal to the "fictitiousness" of history despite historical works sometimes may give us an impression by the way of describing and providing insight into a certain event(s) and a person(s). As Herodotus said, a recognition of the differences of each race and human is a departure of historical archiving of the valuable experiences of human-beings. By doing so, natural results of archival behaviors, preservation of the records, and consistent inquiry of historian-archivists become a humanistic passage overcoming the current wrong trends of historical studies confined to a narrow nation-history.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.52 no.1
• /
• pp.44-63
• /
• 2019

This study empirically investigated the construction and aspects of change in Chugyeongwon, which is located in Donggweol (東闕). In detail, this study investigated the location of the construction and range of Chugyeongwon, the background and intention of the construction, and the affiliated system and aspects of spatial changes of it. The research results can be summarized as follows: First, Chugyeongwon has been assumed to be the space near Haminjeong (涵仁亭) or between Simindang (時敏堂) and Jinsudang (進修堂) in Changgyeonggung Palace. However, according to related historical materials, it is said that Chugyeongwon was located west of Dochongbu (都摠府) in Hyeopsangmun (協祥門) and near Sungmundang (崇文堂). Through Donggweoldohyeong (東闕圖形), evidence of the construction of Chugyeongwon can be found, which verifies such claims. According to The Plan of Changgyeonggung Palace (昌慶宮配置圖), in the form of modern measured drawing, Chugyeongwon today is the green space created in the south of Munjeongjeon (文政殿) and Sungmundang in Changgyeonggung Palace. Second, According to Donggweoldo (東闕圖), Chugyeongwon was a green space where trees grew on the ground within the walls. No artificial facilities were constructed inside. In addition, Chugyeongwon was located at a site with an altitude higher than the surroundings. Especially, the composition forms and location characteristics of Chugyeongwon are similar to those of the Palace Outer Garden located in Hanyang. Thus, based on this evidence about the form and other aspects of the operation of the Palace Outer Garden, it can be inferred that Chugyeongwon was constructed for the preservation and cultivation of the geographical features inside Donggweol. Third, in the late Joseon period, Chugyeongwon was assigned to Changdeokgung Palace or Changgyeonggung Palace in the same manner as was Donggung (東宮). Thus, it is very likely that Chugyeongwon served as a garden for the Royal Family in the Donggung area. The west boundary of Chugyeongwon, which originally consisted of walls and a side gate, was changed into the form in which the walls and colonnades were combined. Chugyeongwon has been modified due to various acts of development since the Japanese colonial era, and in the end, it has disappeared so that no trace can be found.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.42 no.4
• /
• pp.112-131
• /
• 2009

The Trikaya Banner Painting in the Suta-sa Temple at Hongcheon-gun, Gangwon-do draws attention as it was painted not on flax but on paper, and used the water color painting technique on the sketch rather than the deep color painting technique, which is most common in Buddhist paintings created during the Chosun Dynasty. Nevertheless, there is not any information on the creation of the Trikaya Banner Painting in the painting record on the painting, in Sutasasajeok(壽陀寺史蹟), or in Sutasagogirok(壽陀寺古記錄), so it is uncertain when the painting was created. Furthermore, because it was not drawn by the deep color painting technique, it has been difficult to compare it with other banner paintings. For these reasons, the Trikaya Banner Painting has been studied little except brief introduction. In recent preservation treatment that removed multiple-layered paper from the back of the painting, however, an inked inscription written on Korean paper 118cm high and 87.5cm wide was discovered on the back. It is a kind of placard notifying a number of acts prohibited in order to follow Buddha's teachings correctly, and was found to have been written on April 15, 1690. The inked inscription is a very valuable material for estimating the creation date of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting, and provides crucial clues for approaching the contents and nature of the painting more precisely. When the image, form, and style of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting were examined and its creation date was estimated based on the inked inscription, first, the painting is presumed to have been created in around 1690 as suggested by 'the placard' attached on the back instead of a painting record. Second, the painting is highly likely to be the first standing Trikaya banner painting showing the basic icons of Trikaya banner paintings in the Chosun Dynasty since the Trikaya Banner Painting in the Gap-sa Temple in Gongju (1650). Furthermore, considering the shape of the Trikaya in the painting, screen composition, background treatment, solemn and affectionate facial expression, harmonious and adequate body proportion, etc., the painting is believed to have had a considerable influence not only on Trikaya banner paintings of similar style in the 18thcentury but also on deep-color Trikaya banner paintings in the 19thcentury. Third, although the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting is not acompleted work but a sketch, it exhibits the typical water color painting technique in which the strokes are clearly visible. Thus, it is considered highly valuable in understanding and analyzing stroke styles and in studying the history of Buddhist paintings. As there are not many extant banner paintings of the same style in form and expression technique as the Suta-sa Temple Trikaya Banner Painting, this study could not make thorough comparative analysis of the work, but still it is meaningful in that it laid the ground for research on standing Trikaya banner paintings in the 18thand 19thcenturies in the Chosun Dynasty.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.33
• /
• pp.155-206
• /
• 2012

Interests in archives management are getting expanded from the public sector into the cultural and artistic field for the ten years after legislation of "Act on the Management of Public Archives" in 1999. However, due to lack of recognition on the importance of archives in the cultural and artistic field, it is rather frequent that information is kept scattered or archives are lost. As an example, absence of precise contract documents or notes of bestowal keeps people from locating great amount of cultural properties, and because of it these creative properties are in the risk of thefts, the closed-door auctioning, or trades in unofficial channels. As how a nation manages cultural and artistic creation inside the nation reflects its cultural level, it can be said that one of the indexes to notice the extent of a nation's cultural level is to take a look at how they are circulated. This study started from this point. Growing economy and rising interests in culture and art made the society more cognizant of the importance and value that visual artworks have, but the archives and information which are showing the context of these artworks and are produced in the course of social interaction are relatively disregarded because too much emphasis lies on the work itself. It is harder to find archives or documentations in Korea than in other advanced countries about the artists themselves or philosophical discourse on the background of the artworks. There is not so much interest to preserve the archives and information produced after the exhibition also, and they are used for no more than promotion or reference. Hereupon, the researcher recognized the importance of visual arts archives and believed that systemic management on them are high in need. And metadata is an essential way for the systemic management, as recently management on artworks or their archives are conducted using the system of the agencies even though they are not produced electronically. The objective of this study is to manage visual arts archives systematically by designing a data model reflecting traits of visual arts archives. Metadata are needed in the every course of archives from acquisition to management, preservation and application. Visual arts archives find its rich value only when a systemic relationship is established among information on artist, artwork and events including exhibition. By establishing a Multiple Entity Data Model, in which artworks, artists and events (exhibitions) make relationship all together, metadata for management on visual arts archive gets more efficiency and at the same time explanatory trait of the archive gets higher. For this reason we, in the study, tried to design a data model by setting each as an independent entities and designating relations between them, in order to find a way to manage visual arts archives more systematically.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
• /
• v.27 no.3
• /
• pp.95-124
• /
• 2021

As the symbolic images of girls besides its definition have varied according to the age and society, a posthuman girl character recently appears in the digital cinema. This study aims to analyze its cinematic representations and the social contexts in which they are created. For this purpose, the study focuses on what extent the society allows its imagined figurations as a future female body and the meanings revolving around the image of 'technologically body-enhanced female fighter'. Current digital visualization technology has developed to the extent any imaged future humans can be represented, but posthuman girls' representations have its limitation that only a human-like figuration can be allowed in accord with the traditionally idolized image of girls. It is because of the representation logic in which digital cinema is visualized based on perceptual realism that values audiences' experiences. Despite such less critical figuration which does not dare to cross the boundary between the image of human and inhuman, the posthuman girl characters create a new category of the 'dangerous girls' who are both void of sexual femininity and independent of motherhood and heterosexual romance narrative. Of course, they support the modern human-centered belief that humans can take entire control of technology with their moral behaviors and dispel the fear about the negative impact the nature of technology may have on society at large by showing their child-like figuration protecting ethical values. However, the new character of 'unruly girl' exerts her subversive act that seeks to fight against the human-centered liberal humanistic values and melancholic feeling and vulnerability that the neoliberalism and technocracy enforce. When posthuman girl characters are considered to be a marker through which we can see how different social forces are intervening and competing each other in the upcoming posthuman age, the limited figuration of the posthuman girl characters in South Korean movies illustrates the opinionated thoughts toward the instrumentalism in technology but their bloodshed struggles reveal how the corporate or state-governed techno-biopower has oppressively treated and appropriated the human body as the technology-object and also provide a meaningful opportunity to rethink its unethical violence.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
• /
• v.36 no.1
• /
• pp.102-111
• /
• 2022

Among protected areas, National Parks are rich in biodiversity, and the benefits of ecosystem services provided to human are higher than the others. Ecosystem service evaluation is being used to manage the value of national parks based on objective and scientific data. Ecosystem services are classified into four services: supporting, provisioning, regulating and cultural. The purpose of this study is to evaluate habitat quality among supporting services. Habitat Quality Model of InVEST was used to analyze. The coefficients of sensitivity and habitat initial value were reset by reflecting prior studies and the actual conditions of protected areas. Habitat quality of 21 national parks except Hallasan National Park was analyzed and mapped. The value of habitat quality was evaluated to be between 0 and 1, and the closer it is to 1, the more natural it is. As a result of habitat quality analysis, Seoraksan and Taebaeksan National Parks (0.90), Jirisan and Odaesan National Parks (0.89), and Sobaeksan National Park (0.88) were found to be the highest in the order. As a result of comparing the area and habitat quality of 18 national parks except for coastal-marine national parks, the larger the area, the higher the overall habitat quality. Comparing the value of habitat quality of each zone, the value of habitat quality was high in the order of the park nature preservation zone, the park nature environmental zone, the park cultural heritage zone, and the park village zone. Considering both the analysis of habitat quality and the legal regulations for each zone of use, it is judged that the more artificial acts are restricted, the higher the habitat quality. This study is meaningful in analyzing habitat quality of 21 National Parks by readjusting the parameters according to the situation of protected areas in Korea. It is expected to be easy to intuitively understand through accurate data and mapping, and will be useful in making policy decisions regarding the development and preservation of protected areas in the future.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.37
• /
• pp.371-405
• /
• 2004

International circulation of cultural assets involves numerous countries thereby making an approach based on international law essential to resolving this problem. Since the end of the $2^{nd}$ World War, as the value of cultural assets evolved from material value to moral and ethical values, with emphasis on establishing national identities, newly independent nations and former colonial states took issue with ownership of cultural assets which led to the need for international cooperation and statutory provisions for the return of cultural assets. UNESCO's 1954 "Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict" as preparatory measures for the protection of cultural assets, the 1970 "Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property" to regulate transfer of cultural assets, and the 1995 "Unidroit Convention on Stolen or Illegally Exported Cultural Objects" which required the return of illegally acquired cultural property are examples of international agreements established on illegal transfers of cultural assets. In addition, the UN agency UNESCO established the Division of Cultural Heritage to oversee cultural assets related matters, and the UN since its 1973 resolution 3187, has continued to demonstrate interest in protection of cultural assets. The resolution 3187 affirms the return of cultural assets to the country of origin, advises on preventing illegal transfers of works of art and cultural assets, advises cataloguing cultural assets within the respective countries and, conclusively, recommends becoming a member of UNESCO, composing a forum for international cooperation. Differences in defining cultural assets pose a limitation on international agreements. While the 1954 Convention states that cultural assets are not limited to movable property and includes immovable property, the 1970 Convention's objective of 'Prohibiting and preventing the illicit import, export and transfer of ownership of cultural property' effectively limits the subject to tangible movable cultural property. The 1995 Convention also has tangible movable cultural property as its subject. On this point, the two conventions demonstrate distinction from the 1954 Convention and the 1972 Convention that focuses on immovable cultural property and natural property. The disparity in defining cultural property is due to the object and purpose of the convention and does not reflect an inherent divergence. In the case of Korea, beginning with the 1866 French invasion, 36 years of Japanese colonial rule, military rule and period of economic development caused outflow of numerous cultural assets to foreign countries. Of course, it is neither possible nor necessary to have all of these cultural properties returned, but among those that have significant value in establishing cultural and historical identity or those that have been taken symbolically as a demonstration of occupational rule can cause issues in their return. In these cases, the 1954 Convention and the ratification of the first legislation must be actively considered. In the return of cultural property, if the illicit acquisition is the core issue, it is a simple matter of following the international accords, while if it rises to the level of diplomatic discussions, it will become a political issue. In that case, the country requesting the return must convince the counterpart country. Realizing a response to the earnest need for preventing illicit trading of cultural assets will require extensive national and civic societal efforts in the East Asian area to overcome its current deficiencies. The most effective way to prevent illicit trading of cultural property is rapid circulation of information between Interpol member countries, which will require development of an internet based communication system as well as more effective deployment of legislation to prevent trading of illicitly acquired cultural property, subscription to international conventions and cataloguing collections.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.41
• /
• pp.285-320
• /
• 2020

This study aims to examine the processes of changes of the two main roles, Sangjwa(the young Buddist monk) chum and Omjung(the monk with a boil on his face) chum, performed in Yangju Byeolsandae Nori, on the basis of Chumsawi (dance-movement). Above all, having studied many artistic remains performed by Jo jong sun, Jung han gyu, Park jun seup, Kim sung tae from 1929 to 1942, two main roles, in which Geodeureum chum is now an essential part in almost all performances, were then played only in Kkaekki chum to Taryong Jangdan without performances of Geodeureum chum. In case of Sangjwa chum, players had performed ad libitum and without restraint only on the basis of five sorts of Kkaekki chum's movements. In Omjung chum, witty remarks along with the drama had become more important factors than dances. Let alone two main roles, other parts then also showed no big changes in dance performance. Performers just tried to maintain its slender existence within stifling atmosphere because of oppressions and restraints during the Japanese imperialism. After the restoration of independence in 1945, Kim sung tae and his disciples made a great effort on the restoration of Talnori. During the Korean war, many players also endeavored to keep a good track of Talnori, teaching and training their young followers. Especially performers such as Park jun seup, Park sang hwan, Kim sung tae, and Lee jang sun put much more efforts on restoring Talnori. From that time, Geodeureum chum began to appear in two main roles' performances. In Sangjwa's performances, Byeogsa ritual dance, which was performed to Taryong Jangdan, changed into performances to Yeombul Jangdan, and Kkaekki chum -originally slow and ritual dance, became very fast and active one. Geodeureum chum, called Yongteulim, was added in Omjung chum, so that dance had more important role in performance. Even at this time, dance movements were not clearly and completely organized and arranged, because Geodeureum chum's performance was not clearly defined as orderly dance movements but was regarded as just a movement. After Geodeureum chum being designated as a cultural treasure, Lee byeong kwon took over the task from Park sang hwan, Sangjwa chum's performer, so Geodeureum chum became much more well organzied, arranged and orderly. Geodeureum chum played by Sangjwa had almost the same order of scenes and movements as Geodeureum chum played by Yeonnip. Based on this performance, the order of dances and movements was consistently arranged and settled. Following Park jun seup's performances, Jangsam was more widely applied and used in Omjung chum than ever before, so Omjung chum became much more organized and arranged. Well-arranged Omjung chum had also almost the same dances and movements as Nojang chum's. Yeonnip and Nojang's performances were not directly and intentionally studied and applied to two main roles in Yangju Byeolsandae Nori. Players seemed to borrow those parts naturally through many times of performances. Through their persistent efforts, Jangdan and dance movements have more clearly and completely been organized, establied, and improved through many years' performances. And dance movement can be performed exactly to Jangdan, so we have more complete and orderly types of dance movements. Thanks to many performers' efforts, Sangjwa chum has been established as one that only top performer can play, and Omjung chum has become an integral part in Yangju Byeolsandae Nori.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.16
• /
• pp.303-339
• /
• 2007

"The damage incurred from forced mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism" means the life, physical, and property damage suffered by those who were forced to lead a life as soldiers, civilians attached to the military, laborers, and comfort women forcibly mobilized by the Japanese Imperialists during the period between the Manchurian Incident and the Pacific War. Up to the present time, every effort to restore the history on such a compulsory mobilization-borne damage has been made by the damaged parties, bereaved families, civil organizations, and academic circles concerned; as a result, on March 5, 2004, Disclosure act of Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism[part of it was partially revised on May 17, 2007]was officially established and proclaimed. On the basis of this law, the Truth Commission on Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism Republic of Korea[Compulsory Mobilization Commission hence after] was launched under the jurisdiction of the Prime Minister on November 10, 2004. Since February 1, 2005, this organ has begun its work with the aim of looking into the real aspects of damage incurred from compulsory mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism, by which making the historical truth open to the world. The major business of this organ is to receive the damage report and investigation of the reported damage[examination of the alleged victims and bereaved families, and decision-making], receipt of the application for the fact-finding & fact finding; fact finding and matters impossible to make judgment; correction of a family register subsequent to the damage judgement; collection & analysis of data concerning compulsory mobilization at home and from abroad and writing up of a report; exhumation of the remains, remains saving, their repatriation, and building project for historical records hall and museum & memorial place, etc. The Truth Commission on Compulsory Mobilization has dug out and collected a variety of records to meet the examination of the damage and fact finding business. As is often the case with other history of damage, the records which had already been made open to the public or have been newly dug out usually have their limits to ascertaining of the diverse historical context involved in compulsory mobilization in their quantity or quality. Of course, there may happen a case where the interested parties' story can fill the vacancy of records or has its foundational value more than its related record itself. The Truth Commission on Compulsory mobilization generated a variety of oral history records through oral interviews with the alleged damage-suffered survivors and puts those data to use for examination business, attempting to make use of those data for public use while managing those on a systematic method. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization-possessed oral history archives were generated based on a drastic planning from the beginning of their generation, and induced digital medium-based production of those data while bearing the conveniences of their management and usage in mind from the stage of production. In addition, in order to surpass the limits of the oral history archives produced in the process of the investigating process, this organ conducted several special training sessions for the interviewees and let the interviewees leave their real context in time of their oral testimony in an interview journal. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization isn't equipped with an extra records management system for the management of the collected archives. The digital archives are generated through the management system of the real aspects of damage and electronic approval system, and they plays a role in registering and searching the produced, collected, and contributed records. The oral history archives are registered at the digital archive and preserved together with real records. The collected oral history archives are technically classified at the same time of their registration and given a proper number for registration, classification, and keeping. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization has continued its publication of oral history archives collection for the positive use of them and is also planning on producing an image-based matters. The oral history archives collected by this organ are produced, managed and used in as positive a way as possible surpassing the limits produced in the process of investigation business and budgetary deficits as well as the absence of records management system, etc. as the form of time-limit structure. The accumulated oral history archives, if a historical records hall and museum should be built as regulated in Disclosure act of forced mobilization, would be more systematically managed and used for the public users.