• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.49 no.4
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• pp.373-404
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to investigate the overall situation related to the engravings included in Buddhist scriptures produced in the Goryeo Dynasty. at the wooden board in Hae-in Temple(海印寺)'s ${\ll}$Hwa-eomgyeong(華嚴經)${\gg}$ are Ju-bon(周本) 80sheets(5sheets duplicates), Jin-bon(晉本) 12sheets, and ${\ll}$Ye-sugyeong(豫修經)${\gg}$ 44sheets, and There is a print of ${\ll}$cheon-tae-eun-sa-han-san-seub-deug-si-jib(天台隱士寒山拾得詩集)${\gg}$ at Songgwang Temple(松廣寺). Also ${\ll}$Uhjebijangjeon(御製秘藏詮)${\gg}$ included in the Koryo period Chojo Tripitaka is the Emperor $T{\grave{a}}iz{\bar{o}}ng$ of $S{\grave{o}}ng$ Poetry collection owned by Japan's Nanzanji(南禪寺). In each book from volume 1-20(volume17 is not there), there were 5 sheets of engravings and most of them are located in the same locations (1,5,9,13,17). And than 50 engravings that are contained in volume 1-10 are used repetitively in volume 11-20. In Volume 21 that corresponds to appendix, 3 engravings. This has a big value in that this is a Booljeondo(佛傳圖) of the fastest period that was made in Korea. In Chapter 3, we looked at the publications of the Goryeo Dynasty by century. We have confirmed that among 19 types of the 12 kinds of printed materials.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.38-55
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• 2019

At Otani University in Kyoto, Japan, there is a rubbed copy of Tripitaka Koreana, presumably printed in 1381. According to the postscript of the copy, written by Saek Lee himself, the rubbed copy was made at Haeinsa temple in 1381 and was kept at Sinluksa temple in Yeuju. The copy was delivered as a gift to Japan in 1414 and now is kept at the Library of Otani University. Although an approximate summary of the content of the copy was reported in the early 2000s after a basic survey, details of the copy, including the concrete format and packaging paper, are not known yet. In this paper a detailed survey of the copy is conducted on the 109 pages. The copy is divided into two parts: the wrapping and the inner pages. The wrapping paper is divided into yellow and brown colors depending on the material of the paper. The yellow colorwrapping paper was possibly made in 1381 at the time of the rubbed printing, and the brown wrapping paper was repaired after being moved to Japan. Using funds collected in February 1380, the copy of Gyeong(經), Yul(律), and Ron(論) chapters was printed in April 1381. Binding of the copy was completed in September, and the wrapping paper with the title in gold was made in October 1380. The box for keeping Buddhist scriptures was manufactured in November 1380. The copy was moved to Sinluksa temple in April 1382 and delivered to Japan in 1414. At Otani University, the copy is stored in separate rectangular boxes 32.1×25.3cm in size with a height of 23.6cm. The rectangular plate on the four sides is red in external color but black colorinside. The box for keeping Buddhist scriptures was probably made in 1381, but a partial repair was made later. Because of the difficulty of executing a detailed survey of the box for Buddhist scriptures, it is hard to find out its nation and period of production. We look forward to studying the copy as well as the box for Buddhist scriptures in future.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.391-435
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• 2018

This is the first study in Musicology that discusses the features of Kangwon Sangkangrye(the pre-lecture ritual in Buddhism). In this thesis, I reviewed and compared the similarity and uniqueness between Kangwon Sangkangrye in "Seokmunuibom" and the one being performed these days. The musical relation between the performance shown in the historical record and the one in contemporary ritual was illustrated here based on the findings derived from the anlaysis on its bell(小鐘) performance. The analysis made upon musical sources recorded on-site shows the characteristics of contemporary Kangwon Sangkangrye. Following is a brief summary of this study. The review and comparison between Kangwon Sangkangrae in "Seokmunuibom" and the one being performed these days showed that the second type, which was significantly different from the first type, was closer to that of the historical record. The performers at Unmunsa Temple and Chungamsa Temple seemed to be following the tradition bell(小鐘) performance style which was found in the text of the historical record. Through the analysis on Kangwon Sangkangrae, I found that it has musical characteristics as follows. The vocal range of type 1 and type 2 was mostly performed within Minor 7th and didn't exceed the perfect 8th. The melodic structure of type 1 starts with do'-la of naedeureum and ended with the melody which downscaled from do' and finalized from mi to la. Usually the mode was in menari-tori but at some lecture halls a few cases found to be upscaled from sol to la which differentiates it from the typical menari-tori of folk songs. Like the typical way of traditional rites, the singing was divided into two parts: the leading call and the following choral response. Most were sung to be one syllable on one or two tones or one syllable lasting for several tones and the musical forms were varied by musical pieces. Meantime, Sangkangrae at Haeinsa Temple was differed from that of the other temples in terms of ritual procedure and vocal style. It added Korean version of and the lead vocal skipped the first phrase of the Sasul. The melodic structure of Type 2 started with do'-la of naedeureum and was finalized as the same way of Type 1. The mode of was not the same as typical menari-tori but the Jeongrye(prostration) and Balweon(a great vow) were identical to the menari-tori of folk songs. The singing was done in two forms, solo and unison, and the lyric-attachment of Gesong was one syllable for one or two tones and that of Jeongrye and Balweon were one syllable for one or two tones + one syllable for several tones. The musical form of Jeongrye is A-B-C and A-C. Balweon didn't display a certain periodicity but still maintained sense of unity and formality through repetition of the finalizing melody.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.3
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• pp.74-89
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• 2021

The Korean Society of Ginseng (KSG) was founded on September 26, 1975 with approximately 100 members. The first issue of the Korean Journal of Ginseng Science was published in English on December 1, 1976. However, the journal in English version lasted only one year, and the journal was instead published in Korean from 1978. In 1998, the names of the ginseng society and the journal were changed to the Korean Society of Ginseng and Journal of Ginseng Research (JGR), respectively. Four issues ofJGR were published in that year. JGR has again been published in English from Vol. 34 starting in 2010 and has been indexed in SCIE and SCOPUS since 2010 and PubMed Centralsince 2012. Since 2016, JGR has been published by the Elsevier. The impact factor (IF) of JGR has continuously increased - from the first IF of 2.259 in 2012 to 3.898 in 2015, and 5.487 in 2019. This year, the IF ofJGR ranked second among 122 domestic SCI journals and won first place worldwide in Integrative & Complementary Medicine category. The Society has published the semi-annual news magazine, Korean Ginseng Research and Industry since 2007. In March 2019, in addition to the scientific JGR, the Korean Society of Ginseng published the first issue of the Journal of Ginseng Culture on humanities and social sciences related to ginseng. To enhance international academic exchanges of ginseng, KSG organized for the first time, the 7th International Symposium on Ginseng (ISOG) in 1998. Afterwards, the ISOG has been held every four years, and the proceedings have been published. The KSG has also published various books, including Understanding of Korean Ginseng, Ginseng Research during the Past 20 Years, and 30-year History of the Korean Society of Ginseng, etc.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.42
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• pp.371-392
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• 2016

This study analyzed the aspect of the decision of the Korean part of speech and the properties of the grammatical items based on "韓語通" which was published in 1909. "韓語通" is a Korean grammar book written by 前間恭作 who also published "校訂交隣須知" in 1904. "韓語通" is known for influencing of 'Otsuki grmmar(大槻 文法),' dividing Korean part of speech into eleven. Based on 'mood' and 'voice' we can assume that "韓語通" adopted Otsuki's grammar. '存在詞' is another clue that "韓語通" adopted Yamada's grammar. However, 前間恭作 persisted that Korean language is different from Japanese language. This view is different from 寶迫繁勝, 高橋亨, 藥師寺知? etc. This study tried to investigate the interchange of the two languages in historical study of Korean and Japanese linguistics during modern and contemporary period. For this purpose, we searched the aspect of the part of speech and analyzed the grammar items. In conclusion, we was able to light on how Japanese scholars approached to Korean grammar system in late 19th and early 20th centuries.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.116-133
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• 2014

The memorial stones of Sumanotap were known to have been sequentially produced in 1719, 1773, 1874, 1653, 1874. However, after examining the chronological era (年號) and sexagesimal cycle (干支), it was found that the second and fourth memorial stones were both recorded in 1713. The reason why the records of the same period were divided into two is assumed that since the subject to repair was divided into main structure and flagpole of the temple, and it was recorded per each monk in charge and donator. On the fifth tablet of the memorial stone of Sumanotap contains all the names of monks who were in charge of repairing Sumanotap as well as the names of common donators. These people are not verified in detail though, through comparing the Buddhist names on the third memorial stone with Buddhist paintings and painting records, 12 monks were identified to be in the same names. Generally, they were active in Gangwon province, Gyeongsang province, Seoul and Gyeonggi province in the late 19th century and even after the Sumanotap repair, they took up other duties of various temples. The most notable name among the donators recorded in the memorial stones of Sumanotap was Kim Jwageun. He was the donator for the chest of gold and silver that was enshrined in the pagoda in 1874. His name was recorded with Mrs. Yang from Cheongsin and, at that time, was known just as a donator. However, actually, the donator was not Kim Jwageun but his mistress Mrs. Yang who used to be a gisaeng, called Na-hap and was from Naju. Kim Jwageun deceased in 1869 already. It is exceptional that Mrs. Yang who were the mistress of the prime minister Kim Jwageun personally participated in the Buddhist event in which king, queen, mothers of king and queen, noblewoman participated. Besides, the event of Sumanotap repair was carried out by royal family in order to celebrate the hundredth day of the prince, Sunjong and his grandfather, Heungseon Daewongun did not participate for political reason. In this situation, the domination of Mrs. Yang is considered remarkable. Meanwhile, the temples that frequently appeared among the 10 temples recorded in the memorial stone of Sumanotap are Gakhwa-sa temple in Bonghwa-gun, Gyeongsangbuk-do and Bodeok-sa temple in Yeongwolgun, Gangwon-do. Gakhwa-sa temple was a temple where the historical achievements were kept so was under the government's control. Bodeok-sa temple was the buddhist temple praying for the soul of the Danjong buried in the tomb and was managed by the government. Therefore, the face these two temples participated in the Sumanotap repair proves that Sumanotap was repaired by the supports form these two temples and the stature of Sumanotap at that time was as high as the temples where the historical achievements are store or the royal buddhist temples for praying for ancestors' souls.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.17
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• pp.11-47
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• 1989

This study intends to examine the background and the procedure of the carving of the tablets of the second edition of Dae-Jang-Mock­Lock(재조대장목록). the time and the route of the moving of the tablets. into Haein-sa, and the contents and the system of it. This study is mainly based on the second edition of Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock. But the other closely related materials such as restored first. edition of the Dae- Jang-Mock-Lock, Koryo Sin-Jo-Dae-Jang-Byeol-Lock (고려신조대장교정별록). Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock (개원석교록). Sok-Kae­Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock (속개원석교록). Jeong-Won-Sin-Jeong-Seok-Kyo­Lock(정원신정석교록), Sok-Jeong-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock(속정원석교록), Dea-Jung-Sang-Bu-Beob-Bo-Lock(대중상부법보록), and Kyeong-Woo-Sin-Su-Beob-Bo-Lock(경우신수법보록), are also analysed and closely examined. The results of this study can be summarized as follows: 1. The second edition of Tripitaka Koreana(고려대장경) was carved for the purpose of defending the country from Mongolia with the power of Buddhism, after the tablets of the first edition in Buin-sa(부이사) was destroyed by fire. 2. In 1236. Dae-Jang-Do-Gam(대장도감) was established, and the preparation for the recarving of the tablets such as comparison between the content, of the first edition of Tripitalk Koreana, Gal-Bo-Chik-Pan-Dae­Jang-Kyeong and Kitan Dae- Jang-Kyeong, transcription of the original copy and the preparation of the wood, etc. was started. 3. In 1237 after the announcement of Dae-Jang-Gyeong-Gak-Pan-Gun­Sin-Gi-Go-Mun(대장경핵판군신석고문), the carving was started on a full scale. And seven years later (1243), Bun-Sa-Dae-Jang-Do-Gam(분사대장도감) was established in the area of the South to expand and hasten the work. And a large number of the tablets were carved in there. 4. It took 16 years to carve the main text and the supplements of the second edition of Tripitaka Koreana, the main text being carved from 1237 to 1248 and the supplement from 1244 to 1251. 5. It can be supposed that the tablets of the second edition of Tripitaka Koreana, stored in Seon-Won-Sa(선원사), Kang-Wha(강화), for about 140 years, was moved to Ji-Cheon-Sa(지천사), Yong-San(용산), and to Hae-In-Sa(해인사) again, through the west and the south sea and Jang-Gyeong-Po(장경포), Go-Ryeong(고령), in the autumn of the same year. 6. The second edition of Tripitaka Koreana was carved mainly based on the first edition, comparing with Gae-Bo-Chik-Pan-Dae-Jang-Kyeong(개보판대장경) and Kitan Dae-Jang-Kyeong(계단대장경). And the second edition of Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock also compiled mainly based on the first edition with the reference to Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock and Sok-Jeong-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock. 7. Comparing with the first edition of Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock, in the second edition 7 items of 9 volumes of Kitan text such as Weol-Deung­Sam-Mae-Gyeong-Ron(월증삼매경론) are added and 3 items of 60 volumes such as Dae-Jong-Ji-Hyeon-Mun-Ron(대종지현문논) are substituted into others from Cheon chest(천함) to Kaeng chest(경함), and 92 items of 601 volumes such as Beob-Won-Ju-Rim-Jeon(법원주임전) are added after Kaeng chest. And 4 items of 50 volumes such as Yuk-Ja-Sin-Ju-Wang-Kyeong(육자신주왕경) are ommitted in the second edition. 8. Comparing with Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock, Cheon chest to Young chest (영함) of the second edition is compiled according to Ib-Jang-Lock(입장록) of Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock. But 15 items of 43 vol­umes such as Bul-Seol-Ban-Ju-Sam-Mae-Kyeong(불설반주삼매경) are ;added and 7 items of 35 volumes such as Dae-Bang-Deung-Dae-Jib-Il­Jang-Kyeong(대방등대집일장경) are ommitted. 9. Comparing with Sok-Jeong-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock, 3 items of the 47 volumes (or 49 volumes) are ommitted and 4 items of 96 volumes are ;added in Caek chest(책함) to Mil chest(밀함) of the second edition. But the items are arranged in the same order. 10. Comparing with Dae- Jung-Sang-Bo-Beob-Bo-Lock, the arrangement of the second edition is entirely different from it. But 170 items of 329 volumes are also included in Doo chest(두함) to Kyeong chest(경함) of the second edition, and 53 items of 125 volumes in Jun chest(존함) to Jeong chest(정함). And 10 items of 108 volumes in the last part of Dae-Jung-Sang-Bo-Beob-Bo-Lock are ommitted and 3 items of 131 volumes such as Beob-Won-Ju-Rim-Jeon(법원주임전) are added in the second edition. 11. Comparing with Kyeong-Woo-Sin-Su-Beob-Bo-Lock, all of the items (21 items of 161 volumes) are included in the second edition without ;any classificatory system. And 22 items of 172 volumes in the Seong­Hyeon-Jib-Jeon(성현집전) part such as Myo-Gak-Bi-Cheon(묘각비전) are ommitted. 12. The last part of the second edition, Joo chest(주함) to Dong chest (동함), includes 14 items of 237 volumes. But these items cannot be found in any other former Buddhist catalog. So it might be supposed as the Kitan texts. 13. Besides including almost all items in Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock and all items in Sok-Jeong-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock, Dae-Jung-Sang-Bo­Beob-Bo-Lock, and Kyeong-Woo-Sin-Su-Beob-Bo-Lock, the second edition of Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock includes more items, at least 20 items of about 300 volumes of Kitan Tripitaka and 15 items of 43 volumes of traditional Korean Tripitake that cannot be found any others. Therefore, Tripitaka Koreana can be said as a comprehensive Tripitaka covering all items of Tripitakas translated in Chinese character.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.194-215
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• 2021

Termites are important decomposers in the ecosystem. They are also economically significant structural pests. In this study, we reviewed the developments of termite control and recent research on termite management to provide information on the prevention and control of termites. In Korea, most of the damage to wooden historical buildings is caused by subterranean termites. Reticulitermes speratus kyushuensis is the main species, which is widely found throughout the country. In the early 1900s, inorganic insecticides, such as arsenic dust, were used for termite control. After the synthesis of chlorinated hydrocarbon pesticide in the 1940s, it was widely utilized and demonstrated high termite control efficacy. However, chlorinated hydrocarbon insecticides were later banned, disappearing from markets after reports emerged concerning environmental contamination and toxicity to humans. Therefore, the termite control industry sought a new termiticide; hence many pesticides were utilized for termite control. Organophosphate (1960s), carbamate (1970s), pyrethroid, and insect growth inhibitor (1980s) were newly synthesized and adopted. In the 1990s, the first commercial baits using chitin synthesis inhibitors (CSI) were developed, providing a means to eliminate an entire colony of subterranean termites around a structure. Many studies have been carried out on soil termiticides (liquid termiticides) and CSI baits to increase their efficacy, and different baits such as aboveground bait stations, fluid bait, and high-durability bait were also developed in the 2000s. In addition, the paradigm of termite control has shifted from localized treatments using soil termiticides to area-wide pest management using CSI baits to create termite-free zones and protect buildings over time. Termite infestations in wooden historical buildings in Korea have been reported since 1980, and considerable attention was drawn in the 1990s when several UNESCO world heritages such as the Jongmyo Shrine and the Janggyeong Panjeon Depositories of Haeinsa Temple were infested by subterranean termites. Since then, a survey of termite infestation in wooden architectural heritage has been conducted, and the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage and Heritage Care Program regularly monitors those properties. Finally, we suggest termite management using primarily CSI baits, selective application of various soil treatments applied to the object, foundation soil treatment, research and development of durable termite baits, application of area-wide programs for wooden-building complexes, application of integrated termite management (ITM), and regular education for owners and managers to prevent and reduce termite damage.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.47
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• pp.241-279
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• 2023

The Scripture of Myriad Laws was first published in 1986 and then reprinted in 1994 and 1995. It gained widespread recognition as a mysterious text or a Buddhist document containing enigmatic content that deemed difficult to comprehend. Through the analysis of the content of The Scripture of Myriad Laws, it was revealed that the book was published by the Dragon Flower Order, a Jeungsanist religion founded by Seo Baek-Il (徐白一). Therefore, the various texts included in The Scripture of Myriad Laws can be classified as 'Songs of Jeungsanism' (Jeungsan-gyo Gasa 甑山敎歌辭). The contents included in The Scripture of Myriad Laws often mention terms unique to the Jeungsanist orders, such as 'the Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth' (天地公事), 'presiding over cures' (醫統), 'Degree Number' (度數), 'the West God' (西神), 'the nobility of heaven' (天尊), 'the nobility of earth' (地尊), 'the nobility of humanity' (人尊), 'ruling the world for 50 years' (治天下五十年), and 'the era of Resolving Grievances (解冤時代).' It also discusses the birthplace and birth date of Kang Jeungsan, his family name, and the duration of his existence. The contents directly quote the words spoken by Jeungsan and incorporate them into songs. They also mention unique Jeungsan terms such as 'Five Immortals Playing Baduk' (五仙圍碁), 'open-weight wresting match,' 'birth, growth, harvest, and storage' (生長斂藏), 'the god who listens to words' (言聽神), 'pillar of foundation' (基礎棟樑),' 'Ocean Seal' (海印), and 'the higher gods' (上計神). It is also notable that some verses of Chinese poetry that Jeungsan taught his disciples are directly quoted in this scripture. Furthermore, the scripture shows traces of Buddhist salvational beliefs; particularly those that emphasize faith in Maitreya Bodhisattva (彌勒信仰). However, The Scripture of Myriad Laws differs from traditional Buddhist beliefs in that it anticipates and emphasizes the birth of a specific individual endowed with the power and abilities of Maitreya Buddha. While emphasizing Maitreya Buddha (彌勒世尊) and the Dragon Flower Gathering (龍華會上), the scripture also specifically mentions Geumsan-sa Temple (金山寺) located on Mount Moak (母岳山) in North Jeolla Province, and these details are sung about in a special manner. This positive portrayal serves to affirm the belief of followers that Jeungsan, centered around Geumsan-sa Temple, was an incarnation of Maitreya Buddha. Moreover, The Scripture of Myriad Laws subtly asserts that Seo Baek-il, the leader of the Dragon Flower Order, who is mentioned in the scripture, is the absolute savior who has come to this world in place of Jeungsan. In support of this teaching, his birth date, birthplace, years of imprisonment, release date, and honorific name (號) are all recorded in precise detail.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.64 no.1
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• pp.199-223
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to clarify the mechanism and essence of problems by understanding the whole structure of the complicated problems that exist in the social welfare field with DEMATEL method, one of structural models. This paper consists of (1) What kind of social welfare problems exist in the community that is related to welfare? (2) What kind of thoughts do people who work in social welfare field have related to these problems? (3) Are there any differences in structure of thoughts among social welfare civil servants who take charge of planning and dividing budgets for community welfare, social workers who provide services personally and civic activists who criticize and keep watch on behalf of civilians? In order to achieve the purpose of this study, data were collected in Busan Busanjingu and the survey was conducted from the year of 2005 when community welfare plan was first established up to now. The major structural problems of the community welfare of the Pusan Jin-gu, Korea, are: 1) welfare budget allocation procedure is not logical, 2) the outskirts of the Pusan Jin-gu are isolated as poor areas, 3) geographic imbalance is severe among communities, and 4) the social welfare response system to support future population structure needs to be more developed. All of these problems are the fundamental origin to the social resource disparity within communities. The major problems of the community social welfare in Pusan Jin-gu, Korea were recognized by different perspective in terms of professional career such as social welfare civil servants, social workers, and civic activists. Majority of the social welfare civil servants thought "severe geographic imbalance"; majority of the social workers believed "lack of the social welfare response system to support the structure of the population in the future" and "disparity in social resources within the communities"; and majority of the civic activists said "limitation for understanding various social welfare needs because of short term need assessments" as main issues of the community social welfare. It seems that this paper is able to be used as a framework to establish community welfare plans and individual programs in Busan Busanjingu.