• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.44
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• pp.211-233
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• 2016

Fairy tales starting with the phrase 'Once upon a time' have been told throughout generations to generations. These stories of the past started with the history of mankind, and are constantly recreated under the names of legends, fables and myths. Through understanding the archetypes frequently occurring in legends and story telling techniques used to visualize them, the possibility of better recreation of stories and animations are sought. The purpose of this study is to analyze how the original form of archetypical Jeju epic dance lyrics are adjusted accordingly to meet the author's intention as it transforms into the modern animation 'Oneuli' By this comparative analysis, the utilization of archetypes and mythic motifs in the creation of animation are expected to enhance the interactions with the audiences beyond the border and age.

• Journal of Korean Biological Nursing Science
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.29-46
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• 2005

Purpose ; 본 연구는 X-염색체와 관련된 장애 중에서 가장 흔하고 심한 Duchenne Muscular Dystrophy(DMD)의 세포유전학 및 분자유전학적 특성을 설명하기 위해서 DMD에 영향을 받고 있는 두 가계의 13명을 대상으로 가계도 분석과 염색체 분석 및 DNA 분석을 하였다. Method ; DNA분석은 DNA probe을 이용한 Southern blotting method로써 RFLPs와 DMD유전자 부위의 exon소실 유무를 조사하여 아래와 같은 결과를 얻었다. Conclusion ; A 염색체 분석 : 말초혈액과 양수를 표본으로 High-Resolution GTG염색에서 A가계와 B가계의 염색체 분석에서 12명의 염색체는 정상 X-염색체였으나 B가계의 I-2(DMD여성)에서 46, x,-x,+t(2:x)(q 21.1 : p21.2)로 나타난다. B. DNA분석3 : 1) RFLPs의 분석 J66,XJ-1.1,754-11로써 B가계의 RELPs(Restriction Fragment Length Polymorphisms)에서 J66/Pst I은 1.7hb(E), 1.6kb(e)을 보여 주었고 XJ-1.1/Taq I은 3.6kb(F), 3.0kb(f), 754-11/EoR I은 4.2kb(G), 2.0kb(g)의 대립인자를 나타내었다. 이상의 결과를 바탕으로 영향을 받고 있는 남자 (II-2)의 haplotype는 보인자인 어머니의 한쪽 인자를 받았으며 어머니와 딸은 보인자이고 임산부의 태아는 남아였고 태아의 인자들은 그의 할아버지로부터 물려받아 DMD에 영향을 받지 않은 것으로 진단되었다. 2) DMD 유전자의 exon 소실에 대한 분석 cDNA probe 8과 cDNA probe 2b-3으로써 소실에 대한 진단은 영향을 받은 남자(II-2)는 cDNA probe 8에서 12, 7.3, 6.6, 4.2kb에 소실이 있고 cDNA 2b-3은 1.7kb에 소실에 나타났다.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.131-155
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• 2017

While the lecture activities in Simwonsa, Ganjae Jeon Wu(1841~1922) has established a "law of lecture activities" which was an ritual between a teacher and pupil, between the couple. Through this way he expected to recover the former ritual, even within their own school. In 1884 he built a "law of Sidong school", meaning to build a large object, elementary scholarship will serve as the rules of conduct, and argued that human nature mainly served to the core in the course of study. Ganjae in Mungyeong area was also discussing studies with Song Byeong-hwa(1852~1916) and received correspondence with scholars in areas related to Mungyeong. They were Kim Jae-kyung(1841~1926) and Park Se-hwa (1834~1910). Ganjae had also some big national events on the sojourn time in Mungyeong. In 1882 there were army incident, in 1884 there were a command of the government that people must pull on western clothes. Ganjae did not follow the command of the government. Someone asked "Can we not follow the command of the government?" Ganjae replied "We have a right to resist to the illegal command of the government. There were also 1884's Gapsin-coup, Ganjae saw that we must defend the country by rejecting foreign power and keeping our rituals. Given the above, the timing that Ganjae lectured in Mungyeong personally was a time that provided a clue to establish his core ideas. Nationally it was a time that must defend the country from foreign nations. Ganjae had faith that for keeping the country we must keep firmly our own rituals.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.48 no.6
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• pp.944-966
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• 2013

This study attempts to highlight the cultural importance of urban public space by analyzing the changes Tap-Gol Park from late 1990's to early 2000's, a park located in the heart of Seoul, underwent in its meanings and uses. Public space, a product of modern urban planning, is characterized by its openness and accessibility and represents the vitality of modern city, serving as a meeting place for citizens with different social backgrounds at such occasions as gatherings and festivals. While the government or a few dominant groups try to control the public and their behavior in public space by giving a specific meaning to it and specifying its use, people constantly set their foot in it and view the space as a place differently for each individual's personal or social reasons. It is therefore not very surprising that the meaning of public space has never been successfully defined. Following the traces of attempts to define the meaning of public space and considering how public space can be efficiently used will shed light on what types of groups, especially ages and classes participated in the contest for the use of public space and expressed their own cultures in urban society through various negotiations.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.3
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• pp.27-46
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• 2023

This study examines the possibility of applying Other Effective Area-based Conservation Measures (OECMs) to natural heritage sites that are not designated as protected areas for the National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan (NBSAP). Firstly, the study investigated the ecological and cultural characteristics associated with a natural heritage site, specifically the natural monument known as Dangsanmok, and synthesized the collected information to assess its conservation value. Subsequently, the study examined the possibility of designating Dangsanmok as an OECM that reflects local communities through the criteria of the IUCN's individual assessment tools. The research findings indicate that Dangsanmok and the associated Dangsanje system are positively evaluated as potential OECMs. Additionally, initiatives such as the "Dangsan Tree Grandfather Program" and the "National Heritage Folk Event Grant Program," implemented by the Cultural Heritage Administration, are seen to have a positive impact on engaging local communities voluntarily. Consequently, based on these results, it is expected that natural heritage sites like Dangsanmok, serving as national indicators, will contribute to the 2030 goals for biodiversity conservation and the 2050 goals for harmonious coexistence with nature as part of NBSAPs.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.41
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• pp.415-442
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• 2015

Through the comparison of "Rendezvous with a Bird" with "Araby", there were found to be well-explained psychological causes of the boy's (Petya) behavior that closely discloses the concrete object of desperation and definitely confirmed the internal causes of heroes (vanity of the boys in "Araby" and "Rendezvous with bird"). Through the comparison of "Rendezvous with a Bird" with "A man in a boat" we also knew that Petya's indefinite fear of death was to some extent a sense of guilt. This study contains a full-scale review of Russian contemporary writer Tatyana Tolstaya's short story "Rendezvous with a Bird", which is one of the her earliest works. As many critics indicate, the works of Tatyana Tolstaya resonate with metaphor. "Rendezvous with a bird" plays an important role in understanding this metaphoric tendency. In order to understand the metaphoric tendency of her works we need our own reading strategy, and so we inquired into the grasp of the main motifs. Analysis of the main motifs can start from the understanding of meanings of the very figurative title 'Rendezvous with a Bird'. To understand the meanings of the title, we first of all analyzed the incidents of actual or figurative meetings with birds in this work, and through this we deduced two main motifs. We confirmed one main motif of 'desperation', which centers on the love of a young boy and woman. We confirmed the other motif as 'death', which developed into the rendezvous of the grandfather with inevitable death. Thus, the 'desperation' and 'death' with which we meet in childhood becomes a subject matter for the writer. To understand the deeper meanings of these main motifs, we compared "Rendezvous with Bird" with the short story "Araby" by James Joyce and with the short story "A man in a boat" by Eyvind Johnson, which very successfully deal with the motifs: 'desperation' and 'death'.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.116-133
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• 2014

The memorial stones of Sumanotap were known to have been sequentially produced in 1719, 1773, 1874, 1653, 1874. However, after examining the chronological era (年號) and sexagesimal cycle (干支), it was found that the second and fourth memorial stones were both recorded in 1713. The reason why the records of the same period were divided into two is assumed that since the subject to repair was divided into main structure and flagpole of the temple, and it was recorded per each monk in charge and donator. On the fifth tablet of the memorial stone of Sumanotap contains all the names of monks who were in charge of repairing Sumanotap as well as the names of common donators. These people are not verified in detail though, through comparing the Buddhist names on the third memorial stone with Buddhist paintings and painting records, 12 monks were identified to be in the same names. Generally, they were active in Gangwon province, Gyeongsang province, Seoul and Gyeonggi province in the late 19th century and even after the Sumanotap repair, they took up other duties of various temples. The most notable name among the donators recorded in the memorial stones of Sumanotap was Kim Jwageun. He was the donator for the chest of gold and silver that was enshrined in the pagoda in 1874. His name was recorded with Mrs. Yang from Cheongsin and, at that time, was known just as a donator. However, actually, the donator was not Kim Jwageun but his mistress Mrs. Yang who used to be a gisaeng, called Na-hap and was from Naju. Kim Jwageun deceased in 1869 already. It is exceptional that Mrs. Yang who were the mistress of the prime minister Kim Jwageun personally participated in the Buddhist event in which king, queen, mothers of king and queen, noblewoman participated. Besides, the event of Sumanotap repair was carried out by royal family in order to celebrate the hundredth day of the prince, Sunjong and his grandfather, Heungseon Daewongun did not participate for political reason. In this situation, the domination of Mrs. Yang is considered remarkable. Meanwhile, the temples that frequently appeared among the 10 temples recorded in the memorial stone of Sumanotap are Gakhwa-sa temple in Bonghwa-gun, Gyeongsangbuk-do and Bodeok-sa temple in Yeongwolgun, Gangwon-do. Gakhwa-sa temple was a temple where the historical achievements were kept so was under the government's control. Bodeok-sa temple was the buddhist temple praying for the soul of the Danjong buried in the tomb and was managed by the government. Therefore, the face these two temples participated in the Sumanotap repair proves that Sumanotap was repaired by the supports form these two temples and the stature of Sumanotap at that time was as high as the temples where the historical achievements are store or the royal buddhist temples for praying for ancestors' souls.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.1
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• pp.1-14
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• 2022

This study focused on examining the location characteristics of Mujang-Eupchi(茂長邑治), a traditional city of Joseon Dynasty, and shedding light on its prototype landscape. The findings were summarized as follows: Mujang-Eupchi showed a Confucian space system with Munmyo(文廟) within Hyanggyo(鄕校) in the east, Sajikdan(社稷壇) in the west, Seonghwangsa(城隍祠) in the fortress and Yeodan(厲壇) and Seonghwangdan(城隍壇) in Jinsan(鎭山) in the north around the Mujang-Eupseong(茂長邑城), an old fortress, built in the 17th year of King Taejong(1417). It seemed that Seonghwangdan located in Jinsan maintained a coexistence system with Seonghwangsa(城隍祠) within the Eupseong. A Pungsu(風水) stream in a V-shape ran before the southern gate of Eupseong, forming a Sugu(水口) in front of Namsan(南山) that was an Ansan(案山). They dug a southern pond called Hongmunje(紅門堤) to protect the vitality of the village and built Gwanpungjeong(觀豊亭). In the 19th century, Hongmunje and Gwanpungjeong were renamed into Muheungje(茂興堤) and Muheungdang(茂興堂), respectively. Eupsu(邑藪) were planted in front of the southern pond including Wondo(圓島), and Songdeokbi(頌德碑), Dangsanmok(堂山木), and Dangsanseok(堂山石) served as a Sugumagi(水口막이) and protected the entrance of Eupchi. After the Liberation, the southern pond was buried in 1955, and a market was formed at the site, which resulted in the disappearance of its prototype. The study also investigated the name and location of Chilgeori(七거리) in the village as it was lost following the unification of Bu(府), Gun(郡), and Myeon(面) titles in 1914 during the Japanese colonial period. Chilgeori Dangsan was based on Yin and Yang theory and became the subject of the organization mainly composed of Grandfather Dangsan menhir and Grandmother Dangsan tree. Chilgeori Dangsan was a religious place of the community to guard the village, serving as seven gateways to control access at the village boundary and it had a locational feature of protecting the inner mountain ranges of Eupchi.