• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.215-221
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• 2016

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.70
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• pp.9-34
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• 2015

While dramatic shifts in the media environment underscore the emerging importance of structural approaches in media studies. political economists in Korea have failed to meet such demands. It is particularly noteworthy that their most serious weakness lies in economic theories. This paper aims to examine major problems in political economic approaches in Korea and suggest some research agenda and directions for the future. Above all, political economists need to scrutinize and elaborate both microscopic and macroscopic frameworks. On the microscopic level, they may learn tremendous implications from the "audience-commodity" thesis and recent debates on "information goods" among Korean economists. For the more macroscopic part, it is urgently needed to delve into mid-level issues that may illuminate specific ways the media capital operates: trends in the accumulation of capital, the influence of technological innovation, changes in the labor process, and the relations among production, circulation and consumption sectors.

• Survey Research
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.51-78
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• 2004

This paper examines political leaders' image based on the concepts of social identity and distance. These concepts come from the two ideas: (1) Individuals create events to confirm the sentiments that they have about themselves and others in the current situation. (2) During this process structured sets of beliefs (social identity) about attributes of various entities are formed. Statistical analysis of the data from college students in Seoul offers three main findings. First, attributes clustered into four major groups-sociability, responsibility, power and activity. Sociability concerns as sense of approval or disapproval that can elaborated into closeness and intimacy. Responsibility relates to the judgement of morality, public obligation, or other standards. Power refers to social power, physical magnitude and so on. Activity indexes an entity's spontaneity, which can be elaborate into judgements of agency, speed and so on, Second, respondents evaluate negatively political leaders at the dimensions of sociability, responsibility, and activity, They are positively evaluated only at the dimension of power. Third, political leaders who are felt to be closer than others seem to have more political support nowadays.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.36
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• pp.198-230
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• 2006

The aim of the this study is to observer paradoxal phenomenon in media election. The media, especially Television, was traditionally a journalistic operation representing political events on the outside of political camp. But recently, it intervenes to 'the political camp' as the most important method for election campaign. A centripetal of electronic medias making the dominant political space offer an alternative plan which get over the modern crisis of representative democracy. Even though, to the production of the political symbol and the operation of symbol which constitute substantial system of political action, the human being subject is excluded and the technical system of communication make up a govern structure. So it makes the contradictory situation. TV broadcast for election campaigning show well this paradoxal situation. The institutionalization of electoral broadcasting oriented by the State strengthens an immensification, an economical and political efficiency and a transparency of electoral campaign. But the means which controls the mind of public is also strengthened. It relates the production and circulation of the political symbol and the symbolic image restricted by dominator. In conclusion, this study argues that the media election is institutionalized by the instrumental reason(procedural rationality of politics and technological rationality of broadcasting), therefore the candidate take a fragment roles for the production of transcendental political symbol and the voters accommodate to the symbolic images which are foreseen and they judge.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.72
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• pp.341-366
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• 2022

In Korean society, church once witnessed the period of its being considered light and salt. After the liberation, Korean church bestowed Jesus Christ's love to underprivileged neighbors in the industrialization process and organized practical participation activities for human rights and democratization. Nonetheless, church was sunken into quantitative growth without having qualitative growth. As church was cited as the epicenter of the spreading COVID-19, the image of selfish church has started receiving attention and there has appeared a criticism for immoral church tendency, which brought low trust about church. These things are resulted from church's failure to undertake its role with responsibility, in society. Such as this, church has lost its identity as the model of the Kingdom of God. In such a situation, church needs to remind itself of the enlightenment of the Ecumenical Movement, in order to recover trust and perform its mission. The Ecumenical Movement means accomplishing unification of the universe through a renewed church. This movement is aimed to create the earth as 'where humans can stay' and to consider the sustainability of mankinds. This purpose of this study is to examine political activities conducted for responsible participation in the church world and to find the way for church roles in this world. This researcher will attempt to investigate educational methods to help Christians in this world take full responsibility given to them, through an educational discussion about Christianity made in this context. This educational attempt means, in other words, political affairs also.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.62 no.3
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• pp.141-162
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• 2010

This paper tries to provide empirical support for a formal model of social policy development which has been presented in a former paper of this study. In the direct democracy, median voter's social policy preference is critical because he is Condorcet winner in a pair-wise pure majority voting. But, in the more general setting, we should think of various political institutions as a collective choice device. For this reason, I draw a formal model which formulates three contrasting types of political institutions which are distinguished by the developments of political democracy and the differences of electoral rules. Comparative patterns of key variables which measure political institutions, social policy developments, and social policy preference provide support for my arguments. My empirical results suggest that three political institutions are associated with very different policy outcomes. Compared to other institutions, committee system entails more targeted subsidy, less universal benefit. On the contrary, proportional elections produce more universal benefit, less targeted subsidy.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.67-111
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• 2009

지난여름 베트남 남부의 호치민시와 인근의 공장지대는 전례 없는 파업의 확산을 경험했다. 연구자가 만난 한국기업의 매니저들은 이를 "파업의 도미노 현상"으로 묘사했다. 호치민시 노동조합의 고위간부는 "도이머이(Doi Moi) 이후 노사관계에 가장 혼란스러운 변화가 일어나고 있다"라고 단언하기도 했다. 본 연구는 한국계 다국적 공장을 사례로 1) 최근 파업의 정치경제학적 배경은 무엇인지를 살펴본 다음, 2) 왜 어떤 공장은 최근의 파업의 소용돌이 속에서 상대적으로 안전했던 반면 다른 기업은 그렇지 못했는지, 3) 왜 어떤 공장은 파업의 과정에서 협상을 성공적으로 이끈 반면 다른 기업은 그렇지 못했는지, 4) 최근의 파업이 개별 다국적 공장의 체제에 어떤 사회적, 문화적, 정치적 영향을 미쳤는지 살펴보고자 하였다. 연구자는 연구목적을 위하여 호치민 인근과 동나이에 위치한 약 20여개의 공장을 방문하였으며 서로 다른 특징을 가지고 있는 3개의 섬유공장을 선별하여 현지연구를 실시하였다. 이 가운데 첫 번째 공장은 연구자가 90년대 말 현지연구를 실시하여 공장체제의 성격을 잘 알고 있는 다국적 공장이었다. 나머지 두 공장은 재정 상황과 정치과정의 특징이 첫 번째 공장과 대조될 뿐 아니라 서로 다른 공장이었다. 세 공장을 비교 연구함으로써 연구자는 다국적 공장의 재정적 혹은 경제적 상태가 노동쟁의의 성격을 만드는 주요한 조건이 되지만, 회사의 경제적 조건이 양호하고 경영진이 온정주의적 철학을 실천하고 있다고 해서 파업을 미연에 방지할 수 없다는 점을 보여주고자 하였다. 호치민 인근의 파업이 크게는 세계적인 경제위기, 작게는 회사의 재정상태에 영향을 받고 있지만 특정 공장에서 노동쟁의가 일어나는가의 여부는 이 공장의 정치과정과 레짐의 성격에 의해 좌우된다는 점을 밝히고자 했다. 특히 다국적 공장의 정치과정의 안정을 위해서는 '매개자' 역할을 하는 베트남 중간간부, 사무실 직원, 노조간부 등의 역할이 매우 중요하였다. 이들이 위계적으로 그리고 사회문화적으로 다른 외국인 경영진과 공장 노동자의 갈등을 어떻게 흡수하고 중재하는가에 따라 공장체제의 안정 여부가 달려 있었다. 이번 파업은 각각 다른 정치경제적 조건을 가진 여러 공장의 경영진과 노동자가 이러한 사실을 새삼 깨닫게 하는 계기로 작용했다.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.13 no.8
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• pp.177-189
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• 2015

With the business environment rapidly changing, organizational politics becomes a general and inevitable phenomenon in organizations. Employees' perception of organizational politics (POP) both has positive functions and negative functions, but many study results found it has a negative effects on employees' attitudes and behaviors. Despite the awareness of the importance in managing the negative effects of organizational politics at the workplace is increasing, research relating to employees' POP hasn't received much attention in China. With empirical analysis, the main findings come as follow: Firstly, POP has a significant positive(+) effect on turnover intention and a significant negative(-) effect on OCB. Secondly, Through the mediation of job stress, POP is indirectly and positively(+) associated with turnover intention and negatively(-) associated with OCB. Lastly, Procedural justice has a moderating effects between POP and job stress.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.502-523
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• 2010

A federal system speaks for a political system that the principle of the common sovereignty among the local governments is applied. The basic purpose of the system is to make institutional devices capable of striving for the mutual cooperation in a greater political unit, reflecting a minority race's right and demand by decentralizing a state authority into the individual region. The basic purpose for formation of a federal system is realized when a form for the supplement of political elite personnels has a autonomous nature by the subject of a federal structure. During from B.Yeltsin to V.Putin, a form for the supplement of political elite personnels into the local governments has changed by a political purpose of a central government, In company with this change, the character of federalism in Russia has been also changed. Accordingly, this study has treated a subject about how the political elite personnels of local assembly men, governors of a state, assemblymen of both Houses, and the president of Russia are suppled, and also how such a form for the supplement of political elite personnels has changed the character of federalism in Russia.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.319-344
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• 2017

Saam Park Sun(1523-1589) holds a very important position in history of 16th century $d{\grave{a}}oxu{\acute{e}}$ politics. Starting from King Seonjo's accession in 1567, he took a lead in changing the former Politics by Hoonchuck(勳戚政治) to $d{\grave{a}}oxu{\acute{e}}$ politics. He served a prime minister alone for 14 years. Following philosophy of $d{\grave{a}}oxu{\acute{e}}$ politics that Jo Gwang-jo(趙光祖, 1482-1519) had advocated a generation earlier, he sought reformative politics by rising elites. He pursued ideal politics of $d{\grave{a}}oxu{\acute{e}}$ in which principles and public opinion agreed with each other and to realize it, he was in the forefront of correcting 'shìdào(世道)' and improving 'qīngyì(淸議).' It is why $d{\grave{a}}oxu{\acute{e}}$ politics is called shìdào politics(世道政治). He emphasized 'old manners(古禮)' as standard to criticize wrong reality and to realize ideals. The 'old' in his mind was ideals, principles and traditions. The most meaningful reform was to go back to spirit of 'old.' It is why he put stress on and stuck to practice of 'old manners' in national liturgy.