• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.24 no.2
• /
• pp.171-179
• /
• 2018

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.22 no.2
• /
• pp.269-303
• /
• 2012

이 연구는 1960년부터 2009년까지의 시계열횡단연구(cross-sectional time series) 자료를 이용하여 동남아시아의 각국의 자연자원에 대한 의존도와 정치체제 사이의 상관관계를 밝히고자 하였다. 동남아시아는 중동과 서부사하라 아프리카와 더불어 전 세계에서 가장 자연자원이 풍부한 지역 가운데 하나이나, 관련된 연구는 자료의 부족으로 인해 타 지역에 비해 그다지 축적되어 있지 못한 상태이며, 그나마 단일 사례 혹은 국가에 치중되어 있다. 따라서 본 연구는 기존 자연자원의존도와 정치체제와의 경험적 연구들에서 주장된 인과 관계들이 동남아시아에서도 적용될 수 있는지 살펴보고자 하였다. 분석 결과, 본 연구는 동남아시아에서도 한 국가의 자연자원에 대한 의존도의 증가가 민주주의 발전에 부정적인 영향을 끼친다는 것을 발견할 수 있었다. 구체적으로 본 연구에서 자연자원 의존도로 사용하였던 두 가지 지표인 총 수출 대비 자연자원 수출비율과 국민 총생산 대비 자연자원 수입비율 모두 민주주의 수준을 종속변수로 상정한 각 모델에서 음의 상관계수를 보여주었다. 기존 연구들에서 다루어졌던 주요 이론들인 지대추구(rent-seeking), 지대국가(rentier state), 근대화(modernization)이론을 대표하는 통제변수들을 사용한 대부분의 결과 역시 기존 문헌의 주장을 뒷받침 하고 있다. 그러나 내전 발발과 이슬람을 비롯한 일부 통제변수들의 경우에는 기존 민주화 관련 연구결과와는 상반된 결과를 나타내기도 하였다. 이러한 동남아시아의 지역적 특수성을 보여주는 결과는 후속 연구에 의미있는 시사점을 제시해 줄 것이다.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.49
• /
• pp.121-173
• /
• 2016

An election is a major event in a country that elects the people's representatives. Currently, Korea's electoral system has a structure that limits the exclusion of the minority's opinion. Also, it has strengthened the monopoly of major political parties. Despite the harsh conditions, Green Party Korea has proposed an alternative to prevent even the minority from being excluded by practicing direct democracy and expanding proportional representation through the institutionalization of the democratic process within the party. Election campaigns should thus reflect this orientation of Green Party Korea. The local elections and the national elections reflect Korea's political and social status and show the course over two minority parties beyond such limits. Moreover, they provide evidence of the activities of Green Party Korea. The paper analyzes how the election archives of the party hold the values of democracy, how minor parties jump to another because of the unfavorable election system, and how the archives of Green Party Korea reflect its values on the political history of Korea.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.31
• /
• pp.203-240
• /
• 2011

Ahn Jaihong tries to establish a unified nation state with Dasarism through which conflicts of right and left could be sublated. Dasarism has two features; one is nationalism and the other is centrism. His nationalism recognizes national identity and national sovereignty as two faces of one coin and sublates nationalism and globalism. His centrism is thought to be a route to true democracy which can sublate liberalism and communism and a route to nation's sovereignty. However, his dasarism did not make any impact on political reality of that day. Its today's value must reside in its proposals to harmonize nation and world, and to protect the social weak, and to pursue a central route of reunification.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
• /
• v.1 no.1
• /
• pp.9-29
• /
• 2003

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the political discussion and the success conditions on the digital democracy and issues for introducing e-party of Korean parties, and to propose alternatives for solving these issues. To accomplish this purpose, this paper review actual conditions of the digital politics, analyze on results of e-party driving of Korean parties, review issues for introducing e-party of Korean parties, and propose alternatives for solving these issues. Proposed conditions on digital politics and e-party development will contribute to the prosperity of the Korean politics. In near future, an empirical study on the standpoints of voters politicians will be followed.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.50
• /
• pp.5-28
• /
• 2010

The theoretical scope of the public sphere has been dramatically expanded as a result of new academic inquiries into the nature of the political and the public in contemporary societies. While appreciating the value of the concept of the public sphere for understanding democratic roles of the media, scholars began to raise questions on Habermasians' exclusive focus on news and public affairs programs, arguing that various entertainment programs also can invoke political deliberation. Terms like affective public sphere, emotional public sphere, aesthetic public sphere, expressive public sphere were used to capture this new conception. To comprehend the theoretical and practical implications of the conceptual expansion of the public sphere for media studies, this study attempted to provide a typology of media-public sphere relationships. By using public-private and rational-emotional axes as two criteria for classification, we created four prototypes of the public sphere (i.e., political public sphere, populism, difference pluralism, and intimacy/privacy) and discussed the characteristics of each type. After setting out media communication as a form of meta-public sphere that mediates and coordinates the four different types of the public sphere, we presented public service broadcasting as an exemplar meta-public sphere in the contemporary society of multiple social antagonisms and differences.

• International Area Studies Review
• /
• v.15 no.3
• /
• pp.325-348
• /
• 2011

This paper analyses how China is likely to be able to sustain its current pace of growth. The results of analysis show that China's economic growth matches standard growth patterns identified by the models of economic development such as structural change, catching up model. Furthermore, China's economic growth, within these analytical frameworks, matches those of Korea at an earlier stage of her development. So Korea's growth patterns may well apply to the future of China such as the benefits of free society with economics and politics which generate technical progress and innovations. A country with a high innovative capacity is one whose institutions - educational, economic, political, legal, and so forth - allow it to dynamically and continually generate new products and services in a myriad of sectors. These are the way how China is likely to be able to sustain her economic development.

• 발명특허
• /
• v.36 no.11
• /
• pp.14-18
• /
• 2011

미국은 관습법(시민사회의 자생적 발전에 기초한 풀뿌리 민주주의를 토대)으로서 아래로부터(Bottom-up) 상거래 관행이 상표법에 조문화된 보통법 (common law) 체계인 반면, 한국은 시민사회의 기반 없이 정부주도로 바람직한 현상(1천년이 넘는 오랜 권위주의 체제를 토대)으로서의 법규범을 형성하기 위해 상표법을 제정한 대륙법(Continental law) 체계라는 법철학적 차이점이 있다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.15 no.12
• /
• pp.61-72
• /
• 2015

The capitalistic resistance movement attempted in most modern art areas was carried out through a complete convergence of the art and skill, which was the new formation of the symbolic boundary. Although this resistance movement was aimed at restoring artisan art through the revival of tbe work of handicraftsmen, it consequently caused the stratification of the art and became a de-artisan art excluding the autonomous labor. Hereupon, this study would focus on Bauhaus which attempted to dismantle the symbolic boundary through the convergence of the technology and art which actively used the condition the great industry brought only as an effort for the restoration of artisan labor, and would examine the actor-network of Bauhaus. Therefore, this study would examine the Bauhaus' artistic trend, the 16C Renaissance art promotion movement, and the 19C art crafts movement in the network-oriented relation, and would analyze the Bauhaus' ideological source which expressed design democracy through the bridging role of and analyze the artisan art and the mechanism that had the new technology fused. Furthermore, the convergence possibility of the 'collaboration spirit' being embodied as a philosophy of the democracy in the design continues with the tremendous influence of the new technology.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.26 no.3
• /
• pp.5-35
• /
• 2020

This article purposes to investigate opening process of the 21st National Assembly in the middle of severe conflicts between two major-parties, and predict the changes it will bring to the operation of the National Assembly. With incumbent party's taking all leadership positions of standing committees, it broke the practice since 13th National Assembly, that is, distribution of the standing committees based on the seat-ratio. It means that our National Assembly has entered a new phase in the decision-making process. While the incumbent party, with overwhelming victory in general election, emphasizes that it should dominate legislative process to support the government, the out-party claims that they should take leverage to check over government. Two opposing trends are characteristically observed in the operation of the Korean National Assembly. First of all, due to the experience under authoritarian regimes, the National Assembly has been institutionalizing decision-making processes in the direction of enforcing cooperation between parties. On the other hand, the polarization in political parties has been stronger, making it difficult to reach consensus between parties. This article claims strongly that the 21st National Assembly need to find a balance amid such two-conflicting trends. To do so, three necessary conditions are proposed: observing decision-making procedures, securing diversity within party and National Assembly, and deliberative legislative activities.