• Title/Summary/Keyword: 한국 민주주의

Search Result 413, Processing Time 0.026 seconds

Politics of Technoscience and Science and Technology Governance in Korea (한국의 과학기술정치와 거버넌스)

  • Bak, Hee-Je;Kim, Eun-Sung;Kim, Jongyoung
    • Journal of Science and Technology Studies
    • /
    • v.14 no.2
    • /
    • pp.1-48
    • /
    • 2014
  • Recently, governance of science and technology emerged as one of most important social problems and as a result it is crucial to understand it in science and technology studies. This article discusses three most important realms in science and technology goverance - research and development, regulation, and social movement - in the concrete Korean contexts. First of all, the Korean state has driven research and development and promoted its commercialization unlike other developed countries. Consequently, this nationalistic view on science disseminated to Korean public and it generated uniformity in research style and organization. Second, science and technology regulations embraced developed countries' policies, leading to its glocalization. As a result, technocratic old governance and new governance including precautionary principle and participatory democracy coexist. Third, the civil society has challenged expertise and state-driven science and technology governance and fueled social movements related to environment, safety, and health issues. The politics of knowledge created by citizens' voluntary participation and collaborative experts made it clear that science and technology should be no longer tool for economic development. In conclusion, we discuss characteristics of science and technology governance in Korea, giving various implication on current research and policy.

  • PDF

Collective Decision-Making and Trust in Legislative Politics The Realities and a Choice of the National Assembly in Korea (의회의 집합적 의사결정과 신뢰: 한국 국회의 현실과 선택)

  • Cho, Jin-man
    • Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
    • /
    • v.15 no.1
    • /
    • pp.93-118
    • /
    • 2009
  • Why the National Assembly of Korea shows the serious disagreements or arguments in its operation? Regarding the question, this study pays attention to the perceptual differences among the parties for the structure of collective decision-making in the National Assembly of Korea. In addition, this study asserts that deepens the conflicts and the distrust in it. To be more specific, this study discusses about the optimal model for collective decision-making in legislative politics based on Buchanan and Tullock's opinion about it. And then, the trust in legislature forms the basis that makes it possible to respect the will of majority and protect the right of minority. The main reason that can't make the collective decision-making optimally in the National Assembly of Korea is to fight each other without the consensus about it. In this vein, making the collective decision-making optimally and recovering the trust among the parties are necessary to adopt a more consensual system. It will be helpful to prevent the use of noninstitutional means like the outside struggles or physical resistances in the National Assembly of Korea.

Revisiting the trilemma of modern welfare states - Application of the fuzzy-set ideal type analysis - (복지국가 트릴레마 양상의 변화 - 퍼지셋 이상형 분석의 적용 -)

  • Shin, Dong-Myeon;Choi, Young Jun
    • 한국사회정책
    • /
    • v.19 no.3
    • /
    • pp.119-147
    • /
    • 2012
  • This paper aims to explore whether the trilemma of welfare states has been a valid argument about the recent change of welfare states. Based on fuzzy-set ideal type analysis of data from seventeen OECD countries, it examines that welfare states have achieved three core policy objectives -income equality, employment growth and fiscal discipline- in the service economy during the period between 1981 and 2010. The evidence presented in this paper does not support the trilemma of the service economy where only two goals can be pursued successfully at one time, at a cost of the other remained goal. The trilemma has been effective only to the countries in liberal welfare regime where employment growth and fiscal discipline has been achieved at a cost of higher levels of income equality. However, conservative welfare-state regimes have experienced the deterioration of income equality and fiscal restraint after the mid 1980s and it seems that they have diverged into various models. In the countries of the social democratic welfare regime, the goals of equality and employment have been achieved simultaneously together with fiscal discipline since the early 2000s. While they are classified as the perfect model in the research, Southern European welfare states including Greece and Italy, classified as 'the crisis model', have not performed well in all the three aspects. On the evidence presented in this paper, it can be said that the trilemma of welfare states in the service economy is not effective to explain the policy goals of welfare state as well as the result of redistributive politics in the service economy.

Capitalist Welfare Regime in US Military Government, 1945-1948 (미군정하 한국 복지체제, 1945~8: 좌절된 혁명과 대역전)

  • Yoon, Hong Sik
    • 한국사회정책
    • /
    • v.24 no.2
    • /
    • pp.181-215
    • /
    • 2017
  • The study found that the origins of modern Korean welfare regime are closely related to the political and economic order of the U.S. military rule between 1945 and 1948. The creation of developmental state in 1960s and 1970s can not be imagined from the standpoint of the U.S. military rule. The U.S. military government dismantled the labor movement and the farmers' movement, and dealt a devastating blow to leftist political forces. Through this process, the U.S. military government turned the political landscape of the Republic of Korea, which was dominated by left-wing political forces in August 1945, completely transformed into the political landscape dominated by right-wing political forces. Moreover, it would not have been possible without the physical force of the US military government to transplant American capitalism instead of the social (democratic) state that the majority of the Korean people wanted. Through farmland reform, the traditional landowning classes were broken down, the revolutionary farmers turned into conservative peasants, and the distribution of factories owned by the Japanese led to the birth of a new capitalist class that was subordinated to the state. From the viewpoint of the welfare regime, the most significant meaning of the US military government is that it laid the foundations for the developmental state in the 1960s and 1970s in Korea.

Legislative Performance and Renomination: The Case of Members in the 19th Korean National Assembly (입법성과가 재공천에 미치는 영향에 대한 연구: 제19대 국회의원을 대상으로)

  • Kim, Gidong;Cha, Bokyoung;Lee, Jaemook
    • Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
    • /
    • v.24 no.2
    • /
    • pp.101-134
    • /
    • 2018
  • This study examines the effects of members' legislative performance on their renominations in the $19^{th}$ Korean National Assembly. We measure how many bills each member has proposed and passed in the Assembly. In addition, we also include rate of passing bills as an indicator of legislative performance. Particularly, we analyze 320 members in total, and 270 members who got in on the competition for nomination separately. The empirical findings of our study show that, firstly, among the total members in the Assembly, as they propose bills more and pass bills fewer, they are more likely to be renominated in the very next election. However, this is a result of different types of members rather than legislative performance. Secondly, among the members who actually competed for renomination, the legislative performance of members can not affect their renomination. Therefore, we argue that it is necessary to stipulate nominations criteria and transform top-down nomination method to bottom-up one in order to raise responsiveness and enhance representative democracy.

The Impact of Country Image on the Chinese Consumers' Purchase Intention (국가이미지가 중국 소비자의 구매의향에 미치는 영향에 관한 연구)

  • Su, Shuai
    • Journal of Distribution Science
    • /
    • v.8 no.1
    • /
    • pp.43-52
    • /
    • 2010
  • Country images of Korea and Japan based on economic development, education level, goods' quality, R&D, political democratization and quality of life, perceived by Chinese university students in Beijing, Shanghai and Shandong province of chinese emerging markets as the representative of a potential buying power group, are surveyed, which, then are used to study how the perceived country images effect on their purchasing intention for Korean and Japanese products, such as, foods, cars, fashions, music CDs, electronic products and living goods. The study shows that, in chinese emerging markets, country image affects on the purchase intention of each products differently. The country image of Korea was less influential than that of Japan on the Chines students' purchasing intention for the goods other than the electronic goods. Despite the small number of the sample, this study showed the importance of country image in the in chinese emerging markets and suggested the need for both the government and private sector to take a strategy to enhance the country image by finding the relation between the elements of country image and the intention to purchase certain product.

  • PDF

Productive Welfare and Re-inspection of Asian Values in Korea (한국의 생산적 복지와 아시아 가치의 재조명)

  • Kim, Yil-Jung
    • 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
    • /
    • 2000.04a
    • /
    • pp.847-865
    • /
    • 2000
  • In a broad range of socio-economic and political systems, we could be able to say that the common and highest goal of all nations is the well-being of the people. From this point of view, it can be seen that two significant historic developments were achieved in the 20th century. One was the maximization of productivity through the socially efficient distribution of resources and the other was the concept of national welfare, which assumes social responsibility for the basic livelihood of human beings. In this point, it is need not only to strengthen economic wealth, but also to redistribute resources equitably. Efficiency and equity, economic and growth, and national welfare emphasize the above-mentioned principle, but they are deeply interdependent in that the well-being of the people cannot be guaranteed in the presence of only one of those. This study aims to find out the equilibrium point those problems in the productive welfare policy in Korea. Finally, it is necessary to develop productive welfare systems in order to solve the issues well.

  • PDF

The Concentration of Economic Power in Korea (경제력집중(經濟力集中) : 기본시각(基本視角)과 정책방향(政策方向))

  • Lee, Kyu-uck
    • KDI Journal of Economic Policy
    • /
    • v.12 no.1
    • /
    • pp.31-68
    • /
    • 1990
  • The concentration of economic power takes the form of one or a few firms controlling a substantial portion of the economic resources and means in a certain economic area. At the same time, to the extent that these firms are owned by a few individuals, resource allocation can be manipulated by them rather than by the impersonal market mechanism. This will impair allocative efficiency, run counter to a decentralized market system and hamper the equitable distribution of wealth. Viewed from the historical evolution of Western capitalism in general, the concentration of economic power is a paradox in that it is a product of the free market system itself. The economic principle of natural discrimination works so that a few big firms preempt scarce resources and market opportunities. Prominent historical examples include trusts in America, Konzern in Germany and Zaibatsu in Japan in the early twentieth century. In other words, the concentration of economic power is the outcome as well as the antithesis of free competition. As long as judgment of the economic system at large depends upon the value systems of individuals, therefore, the issue of how to evaluate the concentration of economic power will inevitably be tinged with ideology. We have witnessed several different approaches to this problem such as communism, fascism and revised capitalism, and the last one seems to be the only surviving alternative. The concentration of economic power in Korea can be summarily represented by the "jaebol," namely, the conglomerate business group, the majority of whose member firms are monopolistic or oligopolistic in their respective markets and are owned by particular individuals. The jaebol has many dimensions in its size, but to sketch its magnitude, the share of the jaebol in the manufacturing sector reached 37.3% in shipment and 17.6% in employment as of 1989. The concentration of economic power can be ascribed to a number of causes. In the early stages of economic development, when the market system is immature, entrepreneurship must fill the gap inherent in the market in addition to performing its customary managerial function. Entrepreneurship of this sort is a scarce resource and becomes even more valuable as the target rate of economic growth gets higher. Entrepreneurship can neither be readily obtained in the market nor exhausted despite repeated use. Because of these peculiarities, economic power is bound to be concentrated in the hands of a few entrepreneurs and their business groups. It goes without saying, however, that the issue of whether the full exercise of money-making entrepreneurship is compatible with social mores is a different matter entirely. The rapidity of the concentration of economic power can also be traced to the diversification of business groups. The transplantation of advanced technology oriented toward mass production tends to saturate the small domestic market quite early and allows a firm to expand into new markets by making use of excess capacity and of monopoly profits. One of the reasons why the jaebol issue has become so acute in Korea lies in the nature of the government-business relationship. The Korean government has set economic development as its foremost national goal and, since then, has intervened profoundly in the private sector. Since most strategic industries promoted by the government required a huge capacity in technology, capital and manpower, big firms were favored over smaller firms, and the benefits of industrial policy naturally accrued to large business groups. The concentration of economic power which occured along the way was, therefore, not necessarily a product of the market system. At the same time, the concentration of ownership in business groups has been left largely intact as they have customarily met capital requirements by means of debt. The real advantage enjoyed by large business groups lies in synergy due to multiplant and multiproduct production. Even these effects, however, cannot always be considered socially optimal, as they offer disadvantages to other independent firms-for example, by foreclosing their markets. Moreover their fictitious or artificial advantages only aggravate the popular perception that most business groups have accumulated their wealth at the expense of the general public and under the behest of the government. Since Korea stands now at the threshold of establishing a full-fledged market economy along with political democracy, the phenomenon called the concentration of economic power must be correctly understood and the roles of business groups must be accordingly redefined. In doing so, we would do better to take a closer look at Japan which has experienced a demise of family-controlled Zaibatsu and a success with business groups(Kigyoshudan) whose ownership is dispersed among many firms and ultimately among the general public. The Japanese case cannot be an ideal model, but at least it gives us a good point of departure in that the issue of ownership is at the heart of the matter. In setting the basic direction of public policy aimed at controlling the concentration of economic power, one must harmonize efficiency and equity. Firm size in itself is not a problem, if it is dictated by efficiency considerations and if the firm behaves competitively in the market. As long as entrepreneurship is required for continuous economic growth and there is a discrepancy in entrepreneurial capacity among individuals, a concentration of economic power is bound to take place to some degree. Hence, the most effective way of reducing the inefficiency of business groups may be to impose competitive pressure on their activities. Concurrently, unless the concentration of ownership in business groups is scaled down, the seed of social discontent will still remain. Nevertheless, the dispersion of ownership requires a number of preconditions and, consequently, we must make consistent, long-term efforts on many fronts. We can suggest a long list of policy measures specifically designed to control the concentration of economic power. Whatever the policy may be, however, its intended effects will not be fully realized unless business groups abide by the moral code expected of socially responsible entrepreneurs. This is especially true, since the root of the problem of the excessive concentration of economic power lies outside the issue of efficiency, in problems concerning distribution, equity, and social justice.

  • PDF

Social Constructive Analysis and Implication on the Korean Child Protect System (한국의 아동보호사업에 대한 사회구성주의적 접근과 함의)

  • Kim, Hyunok
    • Korean Journal of Social Welfare
    • /
    • v.65 no.4
    • /
    • pp.91-114
    • /
    • 2013
  • The purpose of this study was to draw social constructive implications for the child protect system(CPS) in Korea. As the value of social constructivism for child protect system, the participation and the negotiation were identified through theoretical research. And this paper examined how the participation and the negotiation were done in other government's child protect policies. In addition, the focus group members were interviewed. 11 child protect practitioners and researchers were interviewed about the problems of child protect system, law and policies, and they discussed how the participation and the negotiation were done in Korean child protect system. The result of the discussion were as follows. The democratic relationship must be reconstructed through the participation and negotiation in CPS, Korea lacks of legal basis to force the abusers to participation. And in our country, negotiation parties for children cannot be recognized. Finally, the amendment of the law and regulations concerned with the child protect system were proposed based on the FGI's discussions.

  • PDF

Market-opening and Audience (시장 개방과 수용자)

  • Lee, Nam-Pyo
    • Korean journal of communication and information
    • /
    • v.35
    • /
    • pp.87-113
    • /
    • 2006
  • This study aims to theoretically examine the validity of argument that market-opening will improve the audience welfare of media and cultural contents. To accomplish its purpose, first of all, this study classifies the spectrum of approaches on cultural market-opening in Korea. Then, it examines, by the concept of public goods, whether market-opening can bring on economic gains for audience as consumer. Finally, this study inspects the profit and loss for audience as citizen which will be brought on by market-opening on the grounds of democratic value. As a result of this study, the improvement of economic efficiency and competence, the expansion of consumer‘s choices, the preservation of cultural value that the positive approach on market-opening is promising cannot be justified theoretically and logically. Therefore, at least in theoretically, the conclusion that market-opening cannot improve the audience welfare is deduced. However, the objection of market-opening cannot be related to the distorted protectionism of nation culture. On the contrary, this study suggests the condition of market-opening debate must be a opportunity to reconsider and reform of cultural diversity in Korea.

  • PDF