• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.37 no.1
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• pp.83-107
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• 2006

We share the critical mind about the decolonization of Library & Information Science(LIS) and Political Science in Korea. We did a bibliographical study on the decolonization discourse in the Political Science of Korea. Concretely, we traced the decolonization discourse of the scholars of the Political Science in Korea, and wrote their abstracts. Finally, this study provided the general view of their decolonization discourse. This study covers the decolonization discourse from 1945 to 2005. This bibliographical review may show the possibility of communication between LIS and social sciences in Korea, and can support the development of the decolonization discourse in the Political Science of Korea.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.243-270
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• 2017

The purposes of this paper are twofold: First, to discuss ways and limits of studying politics scientifically; second, to examine group theories to the study of political science. To answer the first question, I examine philosophy of science, methods of scientific research, and limits of scientific study of politics. As a subject matter itself, political science involves the study of human beings and the discovery of explanations for the political behavior that they exhibit. This discovery of regularities of behavior in politics inevitably requires that human beings act consistently or discoverable manner. I argue that the best way of studying politics as much as possible is to combine traditional and scientific approaches depending upon issues, The second section of this paper will examine one of important middle-range theory of politics; group theories (approaches). Examining this will show strength and limits of studying politics scientifically. The group approaches examine the importance of role that people hold in the political system as well as the relationship between the action of collective group and its impact on the political behavior. Overall, the group approaches tend to deal with individuals in specific societal contexts and with varying distributions of power between the actors. This group approaches are premised on the belief that political activity involves more than just one individual, political activity occurs instead through individual actors in particular settings. I argued that group theories have some explanatory power and descriptive richness, though it has limitations.

• Water for future
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• v.34 no.5
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• pp.11-22
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• 2001

• Journal of the Korean BIBLIA Society for library and Information Science
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.133-152
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• 2013

This study strives to perform a pilot collection assessment study with the political science collection in a university library. Employing the basic list-checking analysis method, the study scrutinized the collection statistics and the circulation statistics, and check the current library holdings with a standard list which was composed of cited works extracted from course syllabi, theses, dissertations and faculty research papers. Although the study is a pilot case study that a particular model was applied to a collection in the field of political science, the result and procedures of the assessment will provide some implications regarding collection assessment in university libraries.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.51
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• pp.136-155
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• 2010

Media diversity, coupled with the logic of competition in the global media market, has become a fashionable yet unfitting lingo of media policy in Korea. Media diversity has been fenced in the neoliberal economic logic of market competition and so tamed to consumers' free choice in the market. It is within this context that this article attempts to problematize narrowly-defined, market-oriented, and measurement-obssessed funtionalistic approaches to media diversity. In doing so, the article provides a critical overview of various definitions of media diversity. It also reveals how certain definitions, justifications, and measurements are legitimized and normalized in the name of science and objectivity. The core argument is that reflecting a larger neoliberal, deregulatory turn in media policy, media diversity has shifted from the pluralistic principle of democracy to the matter of free market choice or the myth thereof. It then focuses on the ongoing debate between state interventionists and free market liberals over the relationship between media ownership concentration and content diversity. Finally, it puts forth some recommendations as to how media diversity ought to be reconsidered as reformers' cultural politics, rather than marketeers' science, and discusses implications diversity has for deepening Korean democracy.

• The Science & Technology
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• v.33 no.11 s.378
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• pp.88-90
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• 2000

이 책은 생물학ㆍ정치학ㆍ철학ㆍ물리학ㆍ진화심리학ㆍ언어학ㆍ정신분석학ㆍ경제학ㆍ인류학ㆍ기호학ㆍ문학평론ㆍ인공두뇌 등 각 분야의 세계적인 석학 30인들의 21세기 전망서다. 그들은 2100년까지 어떤 학문적인 돌파구가 마련되며 그것이 우리 사회에 어떤 영향을 미칠 것인가에 화두의 초점을 맞춰 대부분 구체적인 예를 들어 정확한 언어로 먼 미래를 예측하였다. 내용이 방대하기 때문에 이미 현대생활에 큰 영향을 미치고 있는 정보기술, 생명과학분야를 요약한다.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.531-560
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• 2008

I hope to demonstrate in this paper the degree to which the works of Leonard and Virginia Woolf, mainly The Wise Virgins, The Village in the Jungle, and The Voyage Out, are contained within the politics of home. In doing so, I aim to challenge some mainstream criticism that affirms their resistance to British imperial desire. Although their statuses as outsiders in the British Empire, being a Jew and being a woman respectively, allowed Leonard and Virginia Woolf to criticize British imperialism and a male-dominated culture as well as racial and cultural hierarchies to a degree, their works inevitably unveil their prioritization of the British white-oriented space. In some ways their authorial positions in relation to their texts uphold the imperial center as an invisible regime of truth in their narratives, supporting the patriarchal and imperial binary oppositional structure and its hierarchical order imposed not only on the British subject but also on the foreign, colonial others. Leonard's and Virginia's inconsistencies and ambiguities betray their racial distantiation and notions of British white superiority, as disclosed in their racially stereotyped descriptions and the absence of real communication between the British characters and the colonial, foreign others. The work of self-repetition, the major mechanism in the politics of home, dies hard in Leonard's and Virginia's 'antiimperial' works. Leonard's and Virginia's struggle to stand against the imperial desire needs a genuine ethical position in order to embrace the Other, which would allow us to explore further and guard against the pitfall of postcolonial criticism's being easily degenerated into a neo-colonial criticism, another politics of home.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.43 no.4
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• pp.599-619
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• 2008

Korean peninsula has a long history and a geopolitical location as a buffer tone, which has provided the conditions for cultural dynamism and diversity across space and time. The changing processes of place names in Korea is considered to be better suited to the study on cultural politics that is interested in the culture wars over the meaning of culture among different social subjects. In order to ensure the legitimacy of cultural politics for the study of place names in Korea, this study attempts to make a theoretical construction based on the concepts of place identity, territorial contestation, and the politics of scale. Cultural and linguistic theories to be best applied to the study of place names in Korea are the theories on Angehm's and Castells' identity, $P{\hat{e}}cheux's$ identification, Hall's decoding, and Voloshinov's ideological sign. Power relations involved in the inclusion and exclusion are necessarily concerned with the process of constructing a place identity or territorial identity by means of a place name, which represents identity and ideology of a social subject. In the examination of this process, it is necessary to take the elements of identity, ideology and power relations into consideration. In this study, therefore, the politics of scale is experimented for its applicability in the study of place name in Korea, which is expected to accommodate concepts of boundary, territory, territoriality and territorialization. In the end, it is suggested in this study that a series of basic and interdisciplinary studies on the cultural politics of place names in a range of area should be undertaken along with the enough theoretical knowledge of cultural politics.

• 한국벤처창업학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2017.04a
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• pp.17-17
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• 2017

구조방정식모델(Structural Equation Modeling: SEM)은 변수들 간의 인관관계 및 상관관계를 검증하기 위한 통계기법으로 사회학 및 심리학 분야에서 개발되었지만 현재는 경영학, 광고학, 교육학, 생물학, 체육학, 의학, 정치학 등 여러 학문분야에서 광범위하게 사용되고 있다. Amos는 기본적으로 그래픽(Amos graphics)과 베이직(Amos basic)을 제공하기 때문에 정확한 프로그램의 작성이나 행렬에 대한 지식이 없는 초보자들도 아이콘을 이용하여 복잡한 연구모델이나 다중집단분석모델을 분석할 수 있다. PLS(Partial Least Square)는 모형 추정과정에서 발생하는 잔차 또는 예측오차를 최소화하여 예측력을 극대화하기 위한 프로그램이며, 즉, PLS-SEM는 표본 수가 적고 자료가 정규분포를 보이지 않거나 조형지표 모델이거나 복잡한 연구모델 분석에 유용하다. 최근 빅데이터의 열풍으로 자료들을 분석을 위한 도구로 R이 실무 현장에서 인기를 끌고 있다. R은 통계 프로그래밍 언어이자 오픈 소프트웨어 환경으로 통계, 그래픽, 데이터마이닝 등의 다양하고 방대한 양의 패키지들을 지원한다. R에서 제공되는 패키지들이 오픈 소스이고 선형 및 비선형 모델링, 고전적인 통계분석, 시 계열 분석, 분류 및 군집분석 등의 다양한 통계 패키지들을 제공한다는 측면에서 R은 실무는 물론 학문적인 측면에서도, 특히 통계를 기반으로 실증분석을 수행하는 사회과학연구들에서 중요한 역할을 할 수 있을 것으로 기대된다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.33-67
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• 2019

This study analyzes whether online political activities have an important impact on attitudes toward the legalization of same-sex marriage and the anti-discrimination law and whether these effects are different by the religion of voters. The main findings are as follows. First, the ideology variable has a significant effect on attitude toward legalizing same-sex marriage and enacting anti-discrimination law. Second, the higher the degree of online political activities, the more likely they will support two issues. Third, the effect on attitudes toward the enactment of anti-discrimination law has appeared different by religion. In other words, Protestants, compared to other religions, are more likely to oppose the enactment of anti-discrimination laws as the level of online political activities increased. Our study is meaningful in that we found online political activities play an important role in making voters' attitudes positively toward the enhancement of the right of sexual minorities. Also, although ideological conflicts are usually intense in diplomatic and security issues in Korea, the sexual minority issue would be likely to be an crucial as a dimension of ideological conflicts.