• Journal of Life Science
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• v.16 no.5
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• pp.759-766
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• 2006

Acute promyelocytic leukemia (APL) is a myeloid leukemia caused by over-expression of fusion protein, PML/RAR$({\alpha})$, which was the result of chromosomal translocation and induces the blockage of differentiation of affected promyelocytes. Pharmacological dose of retinoic acid induces the activation of and subsequent degradation of PML/RAR$({\alpha})$ fusion protein, and then APL cells undergo through the normal differentiation pathway. Arsenic trioxide has proved effective in causing remission of acute promyelocytic leukemia by inducing apoptosis of this tumor cells, whereas the heterogeneity of cellular susceptibility to this cytotoxic agent limited its usage on more types of tumors in clinic. This work showed that arsenic trioxide could induce apoptosis of a panel of acute promyelocytic leukemic cell lines, all-trans-retinoic acid (ATRA) sensitive NB4 cells and ATRA resistant UF-1 cell. They were investigated with regard to the correlation between the inherent or intrinsic cellular level of GSH and the apoptotic susceptibility of the cells to arsenic trioxide. We manifested, in two cell types, the inherently existed difference in intracellular GSH level reactive to the arsenic trioxide, and a positive correlation between the GSH level and their apoptotic sensitivity to arsenic trioxide. And it showed that arsenic trioxide could differentiate promyelocytic cancer cells to the cells possessed of dendritic cell surface markers. Unravelling the cause of the different susceptibility between leukemic cells and proving that promyelocyte could be differentiated to dendritic cells by arsenic trioxide will help not only to understand the mechanism underlying the complete remission of acute promyelocytic leukemia induced by arsenic trioxide, but also to expand its clinical usage.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.1-13
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• 2014

As part of reconsideration on naming of the scenic site No.1 "Myeongju Cheonghak-dong Sogumgang," this study attempts to identify whether there is any mistake with reference to place naming of Korea's No.1 scenic site and if so, to correct the problem by examining the origin of the name and its transition progress through analysis and interpretation of old maps, ancient documents such as traditional geographic books, Yusangi(遊山記) and Letters Carved on the Rocks. The findings of this study are as follows: In traditional geographic books, a term of 'Mt. Cheonghak(靑鶴山)' was first found from "SinjungDonggookyeojisungram(新增東國輿地勝覽)" and after a place name, 'Sogumgang(小金剛)' first appeared in "Yeojidoseo(輿地圖書)" in the middle of the 17th century, it was reproduced in "Jungsuimyeongji(增修臨瀛誌)", which was published in the early 20th century. However, as a result of analyzing old maps, the place name, Sogumgang cannot be found in any local or national map except place names such as Cheonghak-dong, Mt. Cheonghak and Temple Cheonghak. Even though 'Biseonam,' 'Cheonyudong,' 'Gyeongdam' and 'Mt. Cheonghak' appear in Yulgok's "Yucheonghaksangi(遊靑鶴山記)", any part in which 'Sogumgang' was referred is not found. Later, Cheonghak-dong Sogumgang seemed to had been called 'Mt. Cheonghak' or 'Cheonghak-dong(靑鶴洞)' for more than three centuries as seen in Lee Sun-il's "Godamilgo(孤潭逸稿)", Heo Geun's farewell records, Heo Mok's "Cheonghak-dong Guryongyeongi(靑鶴洞九龍淵記)", Yoon Sun-geo(尹宣擧)'s "Padongilgi(巴東日記)" and Lee Won-jo's letters and a poem composed by Gang Jae-hang in the middle of the 18th century is the only record in which the place name, 'Sogumgang' is shown. Meanwhile, 'Sogumgang' carved on Inung Rock(二能巖) in front of Temple Gumgang is presumed to be carved by Inunggyeoone(二能契員) in the 1870s or in 1930s, considering the size of each character, calligraphy, overall layout, wear extent and records in Jiriji. Therefore, no evidence can be found to say that each character of 'Sogumgang' was written by Yulgok because 'Sogumgang' has strong evidences of the origin of its place name. To sum up the findings stated above, since Yulgok's "Yucheonghaksangi", this place seems to have been referred as 'Mt. Cheonghak Cheonghak-dong' and as it is confirmed that the place name, 'Sogumgang' first appeared in "Ohyeongosijo(五言古時調)" of "Ibjaeseonsangyugo(立齋先生遺稿)" and "Yeojidoseo" in the middle of the 18th century, it can be inferred that the place name, Sogumgang had been partly mingled as an another name of Mt. Cheonghak. Therefore, even though it is difficult to say the existing place name has a significant problem, it is thought that it will be better to name 'Mt. Cheonghak Cheonghak-dong' rather than 'Cheonghak-dong Sogumgang' in order to stress on this place's traditional identity as a scenic site related to Yulgok. In addition, as confirmed in this study process, it is said that each character of place names, 'Mt. Cheonghak' and 'Gyeongdam(鏡潭)' and name 'Yoon Sun-geo' carved in Rock Sikdang stated in Yoon Sun-geo's "Padongilgi" in 1964 is a pledge showing the influence of "Yucheonghaksangi" as an ancient travel literature as well as a mark of the Giho school scholars' respect and spirit to honor Yulgok.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.58-74
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• 2018

This study aims to propose baseline data for designing restoration of Gaobyulup, researching space formation and characteristics of gardens of Gaobyulup, which located in the foot of Cheonmasan Mountain in Namyangju. Gaobyulup is a remain in retirement of Gyulsan Yu-Won Lee, a representative politician, administrator, and tea drinker in late Joseon Dynasty. The results of the research about the shape of Gaobyulup deducted through reference review, poetry and prose analysis, an on-the-spot survey and residents' interview are below: Lee, who used pseudonym as 'Gyulsan,' which menas Jongnamsan Mountain, yearned Mangcheonbyeoreop(輞川別業) by Yu Wang and retirement with a country house operation by Seogye Sedang Park. In the persuit of this ideal, he created and operated a country house in Gaogok of Yangju, which a family burial ground was located. Gaobyulup, which located in Gaogok in the lower part of Cheonmasan Mountain, was largely composed outer and inner gardens, and the area of house operation was started from a stone post of Gaobokji The inner garden of Gaobyulup was including major garden components like buildings, such as Sasihyanggwan, Obaekganjung, Imharyoe and Toesadam, and Chaewon near Haengrangchae, and Gwawon in an backyard. In addition, Younggwijung pavilion, which located 850m away from Gaobyulup, was the another country house inside the Byulup, thus Gaobyulup shows a duplex space formation. In the inner garden of Gaobyulup, there are Sasihyanggwan, which had functions of Sarangchae as library and depository of old paintings and calligraphic works, and Obaekganjung, a small Sarangchae which connected with Sasihyanggwan in the form of a transept. Yusanggoksuger located near Obaekganjung. Additionally, Imharyeo, a library with a tablet of Byeokryowon(??園), which located in the highest point in Byulup, has the functions of a reading room and a tea house. Many Taihu stones were located not only in Toesadam, a square-formed pond with lotus but also many places in the inner gardens. And rare garden plants were planted. These were closely related to the trend of horticulture for pleasure, wealth, and collecting old paintings and calligraphic works for pleasure of Lee. Meanwhile, the area of Younggwijung pavilion, located in Gaocheon stream fall from Byulup to Manhoiam, looks like Wooampok, a enjoying place of other personages, who use their pseudonym as "Oksan" or "Wooam" Lee identifies Wooampok as "Jesampok" and carved 'Gyulsan' s he declared this place is his operating area. Lee built Younggwijung pavilion and planted many peach trees for recreation of utopia. The stone letters of Byukpadongcheon, located in front of a bridge in the foreside of Younggwijung pavilion, seems another enchanted land created in Gaobokji inside. Lee carved Jeilsan in huge rock on the falls rear Manhoiam temple, which Lee did great role of foundation of the temple, so he identifies that this place was the end of the outer garden of Gaobyulup. This study tries to estimate traces of the country house in Gaogok through reference review and on-th-spot survey, and the results from this study are presumed based on site remains only conformed today. It needs to discover second scenary or stone carved letters between Jeilsan and Jesampok. Additionally, exact formation characteristics of Gaobyulup should be identified through excavation survey later. To do so, an interest and a major role of Namyangju-si must be equipped for future restoration of Gaobyulup.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.14-21
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• 2012

The object of the study, Yousang-Dae(流觴臺) and engraved Go broad text on the flat rock in Gangneung-si Yungok-myun Yoodung-ri Baemgol, reveals that the place was for appreciating arts like Yusang Goksu and Taoist hermit's games. three times of detail reconnaissance survey brought about the results as follows. There is a the text, Manwolsan(滿月山) Baegundongcheon(白雲洞天), engraved on the rock in Baegunsa(白雲寺) that had been built by Doun at the first year of King Hungang(in 875) of the United Shilla, became in ruins in the middle of Joseon, and then was rebuilt in 1954. The text is an invaluable evidence indicating that the tradition of Taoist hermit and Sunbee(classical scholars) culture has been generated in Baemgol Valley. According to the 2nd vol. of Donghoseungram(東湖勝覽), the chronicle of Gangneung published by Choi Baeksoon in 1934, there is a record saying that 'Baegunsa in Namjeonhyeon is the classroom where famous teachers like Yulgok Lee Yi or Seongje Choi Ok were teaching' that verifies the historic property of the place. In addition, the management of Nujeong(樓亭) and Dongcheon can be traced through Baegunjeong(白雲亭) constructed by Kim Yoonkyung(金潤卿) in Muo year, the 9th year of Cheoljong(1858) according to Donghoseungram and the completed version of Jeungboyimyoungji(增補臨瀛誌). Also, Baegundongdongcheon(白雲亭洞天), the text engraved on the standing stone across the stream from Yousang-Dae stone, was created 3 years after the Baegunjeong construction in the 12th year of Cheoljong(1861), which refers a symbolic sign closely related with Yousang-Dae. Based on this premise and circumstance, with careful studying the remains of 'Yusang-dae' Goksuro, we discovered that the Sebun-seok(細分石) controling the amount and the speed of moving water and the remains of furrows of Keumbae-soek(擒盃石) and Yubae-gong(留盃孔) containing water stream with cups through the mountain stream and rocks around Yusang-Dae. In addition, as 21 people's names engraved under the statement of 'Oh-Seong(午星)' were discovered on the bottom of the rock, this clearly confirms that the place was one of the main cultural footholds of tasting the arts which have characteristics of Yu-Sang-Gok-Su-Yeon(流觴曲水宴) until the middle of the 20th century. It implies that the arts tasting culture of Sunbees had been inherited centering on Yusang-dae in this particular place until the middle of the 20th century. It is necessary to be studied in depth because the place is a historic and unique cultural place where 'Confucianism, Buddhism, and Zen'were combined together. Based on the result of the study, the identification of 23 people as well as the writer of Yusang-Dae text should be carefully studied in depth in terms of the characteristics of the place through gathering data about appreciation of arts like Yusanggoksu. Likewise, we should make efforts to discover the chess board engraved on the rock described on the documents, thus we should consider to establish plans to recover the original shape of the place, for example, breaking the cement pavement of the road, additional excavation, changing the existing route, and so fourth.

• Journal of Radiation Protection and Research
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.45-52
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• 1995

This study is to compare A point doses in human pelvic phantom by film dosimetry, computer planning and manual calculation by using of along-away table. We developed tissue equivalent human pelvic phantom composed of four pieces of cylindrical acryl tubes with water, to simulate intracavitary radiation (ICR) in patients with cervix cancer. When the phantom assembled from 4 pieces, it has a small space for inserting Fletcher-Suit-Delclos applicator like a human vagina. Fletcher-Suit-Delclos applicator inserted into the space was packed tightly with furacin gauzes, and three $^{137}Cs$ sources with radioactivity of $15.7mg\;Ra-eq$ were inserted into the tandem. For the film dosimetry, two pieces of X-OMAT V film (Kodak Co.) of which planes include point A, were arranged orthogonally in the slits between phantoms. A point dose and iso-dose curves were measured by means of optical densitometer. A point doses by film dosimetry, RTP system and manual calculation by using of along-away table were compared, and iso-dose curves by film dosimetry and computer planning were also compared. The dose of A point was 51.2cGy/hr by film dosimetry, 46.7cGy/hr by RTP system and 47.9 cGy/hr by along-away table. A point dose by computer planning was similar to the dose by calculation using of along-away table with acceptable accuracy $({\pm}3%)$, however, the dose by film dosimetry was different from two others with about 10% error. Since most clinical beams contains a scatter component of low energy photons, the correlation between optical density and dose becomes tenuous. In addition, film suffers from several potential errors such as changes in processing conditions, interfilm emulsion differences, and artifacts caused by air pockets adjacent to the film. For these reasons, absolute dosimetry with film is impractical, however, it is very useful for checking qualitative patterns of a radiation distribution. In future, solid state dosimeter such as TLD must be used for the dosimetry of ionizing radiation. When considerable care is used, precision of approximately 3% may be obtained using TLD.

• Journal of Chest Surgery
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• v.41 no.4
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• pp.447-456
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• 2008

Background: Caspase-3 is a cysteine protease that plays a major role in the process of apoptotic cell death. The dysregulated expression of c-myc contributes to the tumorigenesis in a variety of human cancers. The aim of this study was to investigate the expressions of caspase-3 and c-myc and their significances as prognosis markers in patients with completely resected non-small cell lung cancer (NSCLC). Material and Method: A total 130 consecutive patients who had undergone complete resection without pre-operative radio-therapy or chemotherapy between May 1996 and December 2003 for NSCLC were retrospectively reviewed. The median follow-up period of the patients was 50 months (range: $3{\sim}128$ months). The expressions of caspase-3 and c-myc were immuno-histochemically examined, and these were correlated with the clinico-pathologic data. Result: The prevalence of caspase-3 and c-myc expressions in the patients was 68% (88/130) and 59% (77/130), respectively. Significant association was found between the frequency of the expressions of caspase-3 and c-myc (p=0.025). The caspase-3 and c-myc expressions were not significantly associated with the prognosis in all the patients. However, according to stages, a positive caspase-3 expression was significantly correlated with a favorable prognosis for patients with stage IIIa disease (median survival period: 35 months vs. 10 months, p=0.021). Multivariate analysis showed the pathologic stage to be significantly correlated with a good prognosis in all the patients (p=0.024), and with a positive caspase-3 expression, well differentiated tumor and negative neuronal invasion in the patients with stage llla disease (p=0.005, p=0.003, p=0.004, respectively). Conclusion: Caspase-3 and c-myc were frequently expressed in NSCLC, suggesting its possible involvement in tumor development. The caspase-3 expression, as determined with performing immunohistochemical staining, may be a favorable prognostic indicator in patients with completely resected NSCLC an advanced stage (IIIa).

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.2
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• pp.27-34
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• 2016

The results of investigation on the spatial composition and landscape characteristics of Shimwon-pavilion garden built and enjoyed by Jo Byeong-sun in 1937 during the period of Japanese colonialism based on 'Shimwon-pavilion Soosukgii(水石記)' and 'Shimwon-pavilion Poem of 25 Sceneries(二十五詠)' contained in 'Anthology of Giheon(寄軒)' are as follows. 1. Shimwon-pavilion garden is assumed as Byeol-Seo garden based on the planning background and contents of Gimun and the observations on spot. By its location, it is classified as 'Planted forest' with a pine forest in the north and 'Byeol-Seo of mooring type' with Guyacheon flowing in the garden. It is about 400m away from the main house in the straight-line distance. 2. The meaning and attributes of reclusiveness are well represented in the 'screening structures' all around Shimwon-pavilion garden with Hakrimsan, a Gasan(假山) in the north, vines on Chwibyeong(翠屛) in the east and west, Eunbyeong(隱屛) of stone walls along with Guyacheon in the south, which shows the spirit of Giheon who adored the Taoistic life. 3. Shimwon-pavilion garden, located in the Songrimsa, a temple of thousand years, is a place of consilience where Buddhism was accepted, Taoistic life was pursued with Tao Yuan-ming's philosophy regarding rural areas and romantic sensibilities of Li Po, called poem master(詩仙), the confucian values of Zhu Xi were realized. Giheon intended to build and enjoy this place as a microcosm and shelther where he unfolded his own view of learning and cultivated his mind. 4. 25 sceneries on Shimwon-pavilion consist of 5 sceneries in the space of pavilion(architecture) and 20 sceneries in the outer garden. First, 5 sceneries consist of ancillary rooms for various uses, including Jeongunru, Amsushil, Wiryujae, Iyeoldang, and Jeong-Gak Shimwon-pavilion embracing them, which shows that Shimwon-pavilion is a place to foster younger students. And 20 scenary is divided into 9 sceneries on the natural spaces and 11 artificially created facilities. 9 sceneries are engraved on the rocks as described in 'Seokgyeonggi'. 5. 4 sceneries of the indoor scenery lexemes(亭閣 心遠亭 怡悅堂 停雲樓 闇修室) were intended to be recognized by the framed pictures, 5 places among the scenery lexemes in garden(龜巖 醒石 隱屛 兩忘臺 東槃) by letters carved on the rocks, and 8 places(君子沼 杞泉 天光雲影橋 芳園 槐岡 柳堤 石扉 東翠屛) by sign stones, but signs of 8 sceneries are not currently identified because they have been be swept away and demolished. 6. A variety of plant landscapes with various meanings and water landscape with various types are contained in 25 sceneries - Sophora symbolizing a tree for scholar in Gehgang(槐岡), Willow symbolizing Tao Yuanming and continued vitality in Yooje(柳堤), Boxthorn symbolizing family togetherness in spring(杞泉), vines and herbal plants and waterfalls(隱瀑), shallow pond(君子沼), pond(湯池), water hole(杞泉), water flowing in the middle of rock(盤陀石), water flowing between the rocks(水口巖). 7. While Shimwon-pavilion garden is a garden near the water, the active involvements with 11 sceneries directly built is distinguished. The other pavilion gardens are faithful in engraving the names by setting the scenery lexemes of the nature-oriented Gyeong(景) and Gok(曲) near and far, but Shimwon-pavilion garden is a garden for active learning(修景) with the spaces built to match with the beautiful nature and to show the depths of space off.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.3
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• pp.20-35
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• 2022

This study was conducted on the locational results of the 'Yusanggoksu(流觴曲水)' petroglyphs located in Hwanggak-dong(黃閣洞), Shinsong-ri, Geumma-myeon, Iksan-si through literature study, analysis of old maps and aerial photos, field observations, drone photography, elevation surveys, and interviews with residents. It was attempted for the purpose of illuminating and preserving the relics of the domestic Yusanggoksu garden by clarifying the spatiality of this place by tracing the spatiality and examining the possibility of enjoying the Yusanggoksu water system in this place. The conclusion of this study is as follows. The area around Hwanggak-dong, where the Yusanggoksu remains, has been selected as the most beautiful scenic spot in Iksan in various documents. The origin of 'Hwanggak' is considered to be closely related to the nickname of Uijeongbu(議政府). In other words, he paid attention to the relationship with Yanggok, So Se-yang(蘇世讓), who served as Chan-seong Jwa(左贊成). In particular, he paid attention to the relationship with his birthplace, Taeheojeong, a separate book, and Toehyudang, a retreat hall), tombs, and posthumous Confucian academies were distributed in the vicinity. Haseo-dae(荷鋤臺), a wide rock on which a hoe is hung on a rock after field work, seems to express a leisurely rural life and a simple and hermit life, based on the examples of Chinese and Korean poetry. The dark blood on the upper part of the Seobwi Rock with the inscription 'Yusanggoksu', which is the core of this site, is identified as a chailgong(遮日孔) to support the water system, and Ilgan-pavilion and Mojeong(茅亭) nearby are to support the yusanggoksu. It seems to have performed a spatial function for The inscription 'Hwanggak-dong' engraved on the front of Deungzanbawi is the gateway to Hwanggakdongcheon(黃閣洞天) and identified the idealized world existing in the village. Judging from the documentary records of the Iksan-gun 『Chongswaelog(叢瑣錄)』, the rock letters 'Hwanggak-dong' and 'Haseodae' were engraved on March 29, 1901, the 5th year of Gwangmu, the 5th year of the Korean Empire, by Iksan-gun Governor Oh Haeng-mook(吳宖默) and his acquaintance Seokseong Kim In-gil(金寅吉) Confirmed. Also, considering the tense of Lee Bong-gu's 「Hwanggakdongun(黃閣洞韻)」 and So Jin-deok, a descendant of Yanggok, 「Hwanggakdongsihoe(黃閣洞詩會)」, it is presumed that it was related to Goksuyeon(曲水宴) in Hwanggak-dong. It can be inferred that the current affairs meetings were held at least until the early days of Japanese colonial rule. Meanwhile, the maximum width of the current curved waterway was calculated as 11.3m and the transverse slope was 15.0%. If so, it is estimated that the width and extension distance of the curved waterway would have been much longer. Judging from the use of mochun(暮春), drinking and poetry, the tense 'Hwanggakdongsihoe' related to the Yusanggoksu relics in Hwanggak-dong, and the existence of a pavilion presumed to be Yusangjeong(流觴亭) called Ilgan-pavilion in the nearby Yusanggoksu site It is confirmed that it was a space where Yusanggoksuyeon(流觴曲水宴) spread at least until the end of the Joseon Dynasty. Unfortunately, it remains a limitation of the study that it cannot be confirmed due to lack of data on the rock characters of 'Yusanggoksu' and those who enjoyed it before the end of the Joseon Dynasty. This is an area that needs to be elucidated through continuous efforts to find data on this issue in the future.