• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.45-71
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• 2024

The main purpose of this study is to explore the possibilities and limitations of Korean diaspora public diplomacy as a form of polylateral diaspora diplomacy, and to seek alternative approaches. In Korea's public diplomacy policy, the participation of diaspora communities has remained limited, and their potential has yet to be fully reflected in the policy. For diaspora public diplomacy to hold significance as an alternative to traditional diplomacy, it must propose alternatives that maximize the ontological characteristics of overseas Korean communities as deterritorialized entities, along with their multilingual and multicultural potential. Polylateral diplomacy is based on diaspora's capability as a "global imagined community" with a hybrid identity, that connects various non-state actors. Furthermore, from this perspective, this study evaluates the diaspora public diplomacy of Israel and Ireland and seeks to draw implications for Korea's public diplomacy. For Korea's diaspora public diplomacy to evolve into polylateral diaspora public diplomacy, the diaspora communities must secure autonomy from the state and be able to engage with various actors in civil society. Additionally, it must fill the content of public diplomacy with universal values. Considering the history and identity of the Korean diaspora as well as the situation on the Korean Peninsula, special attention can be given to the significance of the concept of peace.

• Public Diplomacy: Theory and Practice
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.27-52
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• 2022

Objectives: The neighboring countries of South Korea and Japan in Northeast Asia have interacted in both positive and negative ways, at times as close partners and other times adversaries, throughout their long and thorny history of extensive dynamics. The controversial dispute over Dokdo is one of the most critical issues evoking harsh tensions and arguments asserting wholly opposite claims. Dokdo is a small island between two coastal states, but significant in terms of territorial, botanical, and marine resources, and thus ownership of the island has become a point of conflict accompanied by a troubled history. But why has Dokdo been a source of conflicts and how should the controversial Dokdo issue be addressed in a way that fosters positive influence and co-prosperity? Methods: This study provides comprehensive and critical insights from a wealth of previous research and strategic suggestions for the Korean government. It utilizes the three perspectives of historical documents and political context, international regulations and legal frames, and public diplomacy. Furthermore, it applies these resources to negotiation theories and strategies to propose reasonable solutions. Results: This study suggests that it is important for Korea and Japan to try to build mutual trust through more active communication and interaction in order to understand each other before attempting to create a formal resolution via negotiation. In addition to these efforts, Korea needs to be ready for the inevitable need to take decisive action in terms of negotiation, using analytic and efficient strategies. The study proposes three solutions: 1) Strong Action Strategy, 2) International Legal Strategy, and 3) Public Diplomacy Strategy. Conclusions: From the perspective of public diplomacy, the Dokdo issue needs to be converted from a symbol of conflicts between Korea and Japan into a symbol of peace and co-prosperity. In addition to promoting a positive relationship between the two states, it can also contribute to the security environment of the Northeast Asian region and global peace.

• Strategy21
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• s.33
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• pp.202-221
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• 2014

시진핑 시대를 맞이하여 중국은 국제사회에서 높아진 중국의 위상에 부응하는 지위와 권한을 인정받을 수 있는 외교정책으로서 최소한의 요구조건이 바로 핵심 이익(Core interests)을 지켜내는 것이며 이와 관련하여 국정목표로 '중국의 꿈'의 실현을 제시했다. 이에 따라 중국은 해양 분야에서 해양강국의 특징으로 다음 네 가지를 들고 있다. 첫째는 해양 경제 발전이며, 둘째는 해양 과학기술의 혁신, 셋째는 우아하고 아름다운 해양생태환경 조성, 넷째는 해양 방위능력을 중강하여 국가주권을 효과적으로 방위하고 해양의 평화발전을 수호하는 강력한 실력을 갖추는 것이다. 작금의 정세에서 보여지듯이 중국은 서해를 비롯하여 동·남중국해에서 매우 도전적인 해양활동을 보이고 있다. 이는 그동안 미국의 지역에 안정과 평화를 유지하기 위해 군사력을 주둔시켜 온 미국의 동아시아 해상정책에 대한 도전으로도 인식되기에 충분하다. 그렇다면 이에 대한 미국의 역할은 무엇인가. 필자는 다음 네 가지를 주장한다. 첫째, 더 좋은 상황 조성을 위해 역할 한다. 둘째, 모든 문제에 대해 방관자적인 입장에 선다. 셋째, 중국에 대해 보다 강경한 입장을 취한다. 넷째, 현상유지를 위해 노력한다.

• Maritime Security
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.141-185
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• 2021

The growing U.S.-China rivalry has placed the countries of Southeast Asia in exceedingly precarious positions. The Republic of Korea (ROK) likewise has been tasked with the challenge of "navigating the waters" between deepening geopolitical divides. It is in this context that the "New Southern Policy" (hereafter NSP) has become a key word in Korea's foreign policy circles. Through NSP, ROK aims to diversify its economic and security interests by strengthening ties with its southern partners, focusing on three key areas (termed as the "3 Ps"): People, Prosperity, and Peace. At the same time, the NSP seeks cooperation with other key diplomatic agendas such as the U.S.'s "Free and Open Indo-Pacific," rendering it crucial for the overall stability of the region. Considering such strategic significance, deeper analysis of the policy is more timely than ever. A brief assessment of the policy's outcome so far, however, reveals that relatively, the "Peace" pillar has been insufficient in achieving satisfactory outcomes. Here, this paper asks the question of: 1) How can the "Peace" pillar of South Korea's New Southern Policy be strengthened? Based on an analysis on the causes of the "Peace" pillar's weakness, this paper identifies counter-piracy cooperation as a solution. This paper then proceeds to answer the next question of: 2) How can ROK and ASEAN cooperate on counter-piracy, and how can these efforts be integrated into ROK's NSP? To answer the above question, this paper conducts in-depth case studies on ASEAN's and ROK's approaches to counter-piracy and identifies specific mechanisms of cooperation. In Chapter I, the paper begins with an overview of the NSP's strategic significance and an evaluation of its "Peace" pillar. Chapter II conducts a literature review on the causes of, and prescriptions for, the weakness of the "Peace" pillar. The paper then justifies why counter-piracy may be a solution. Chapter III examines ASEAN's and ROK's approaches to counter-piracy. By analyzing the general framework and each region's cases, the paper displays the strengths and weaknesses of each region's piracy responses. Based on this analysis, Chapter IV suggests ways to incorporate counter-piracy cooperation into the "Peace" pillar of the NSP. This research bears significance in that it identifies a specific area of cooperation (counter-piracy) to strengthen the "Peace" pillar of ROK's NSP. Such identification is based on a comprehensive study into the two parties' past and current experience in counter-piracy, making it contextual in nature. Furthermore, the study suggests practical mechanisms of cooperation, and considers ways of incorporation into the existing framework of NSP. This approach differs from existing literature that failed to generate case-specific, policy-oriented solutions. The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated piracy issues and deepened geopolitical divides. Turbulent seas such as these call for careful navigation. When it comes to promoting "peace," the key lies in combating the pirates that sail those very waters.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.181-212
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• 2018

In 2017, the government of Duterte, in the second year of the ruling, more strongly promoted peace and order policies and expressed independent diplomacy as the chairman of ASEAN. He continued to fight against drugs and tried to increase his political legitimacy through the punishment for corrupt officials. He also declared martial law in the Mindanao region because of the dissolution of the Maute group, a Muslim terrorist organization, and strengthened counterterrorism cooperation externally. In addition, as to Communist militants, he took the initial reconciliation gesture and promoted peace negotiations, however, concluded the peace tide and started the suppression operation due to a series of bloodshed. He still has a strong drive in peace and order issues, backed up by high support rate, but it is becoming a factor of anxiety as the socioeconomically underprivileged and minority groups are increasingly alienated. As the chairman of ASEAN, Duterte has a certain distance from the United States, which is a firm ally, but has turned to increase familiarity with China and Russia, which can take substantial economic benefits. Through diversifying the external economic support and increase of tax revenue, the priority task was to establish the infrastructure. Although the Philippines, which has a high economic growth rate, has a strong expectation that it can establish a solid infrastructure, tax reforms should be successfully completed in order not to repeat the previous failures, which has traditionally increased foreign debt burden by relying on external resources. It seems that it is necessary to find the meeting point of the foreign policy of Duterte and new Korean government's New Southern Policy, and to find possible economic cooperation policies to improve Philippine infrastructure.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.57-78
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• 2017

This study reveals the core values of presidents based on the content analysis of the Presidential Speech Archives and examines the policy direction of each government from a macro perspective. For this purpose, we collected the speech archives provided by the Presidential Archives and compared central words. The Presidential Speech Archives is helpful for understanding the problem-solving capacity and consciousness of presidents. Among them, we particularly selected statements in the diplomatic and trade fields as the main study targets. As a result, the presidents have basically pursued peaceful resolution and cooperation on diplomatic issues. In addition, they placed a high priority in the implementation of the economic policy in the diplomatic and trade fields.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.15-36
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• 2015

The purpose of this paper is "A Study on the Establishment of Distribution and Logistics System in the unified Korea". The main conclusion of this paper are as follows : North and South Korea shall conjunctionally foster the exchange and cooperation area and operate the joint pilot project to combine distribution and logistics system. To solve the problems of the maritime affairs, Fisheries, and international logistics, the cooperative agreement between North and South Korea will be needed to protect and develop of shipping, aviation and shipbuilding industry. Unification of two Koreas must be prepared as stage by stage ; ${\cdot}$Stage1(preparation period) : initiation of peace area. ${\cdot}$Stage2(development period) : forming the exchange and cooperation area ${\cdot}$Stage3(settlement period) : establishing peace belt on border area. After the unification, two Koreas must plan and undertake the construction of the distribution and logistics infrastructures, establishment of SCM system through Network and the connection to China through railway and road Network.

• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2018.05a
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• pp.84-84
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• 2018

본 연구는 두만강 유역국가(북한, 중국, 러시아) 및 인접국가(한국, 몽골, 일본) 간의 협력과정과 현안을 1991년부터 현재까지 광역두만강개발계획(Greater Tumen Initiative: GTI)을 통해 검토함으로써 동아시아에서 지역개발계획을 통한 공동의 이익창출과 공유가능성을 짚어보고 정책적 시사점을 찾고자 한다. 분석이론으로 이익공유(Benefit Sharing)이론을 적용하여 국제하천에서 한 유역국가가 독단적인 계획과 사업을 통하여 얻는 이익보다 모든 유역국가의 참여를 바탕으로 추진하는 지역개발을 통한 이익이 더 크다는 점을 확인하고자 한다. 두만강 유역은 1991년 UNDP 주도 하에 두만강지역개발프로그램(Tumen River Area Development Program: TRADP)을 시작으로 지역개발협력이 진행되어 2005년 광역두만강개발계획으로 발전되었으나 2009년 북한의 GTI 탈퇴, 리더쉽 부재, 재원부족 등으로 현재 답보 상태에 빠져있는 실정이다. 그럼에도 불구하고 프로그램 진행 과정 속에서 회원국 간의 공통 관심사항을 도출하고 직간접적으로 동아시아 평화안보 구축에 도움을 주었으며 교통, 물류, 에너지, 관광 및 환경 관련 사업을 추진하여 동아시아 공동 지역개발의 단초를 마련하는 성과를 거두었다. 아직 풀어가야 할 숙제가 많지만 GTI는 2014년 이후 본격으로 추진하고 있는 국제기구로의 전환을 통해 새로운 전기를 마련하고자 노력하고 있다. 또한 GTI는 북한 핵무기 개발과 미사일 발사 등으로 경직되어있는 동북아 상황을 완화하고 현 정부의 신북방정책의 발전을 위한 교두보 역할을 할 수 있을 것이며 역내 국가 간 협력을 지속적으로 추진할 수 있는 밑바탕이 될 수 있을 것이다.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.81-126
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• 2014

Localization of overseas Korean companies has been regarded as one of vital tasks or strategies for decades. However, labor relations have not been the main object of Korean academic researchers. In this paper, I attempt to analyze strategies of localization in labor relations adopted by overseas Korean companies through a qualitative case study of PT. Miwon Indonesia, which has run business successfully for 40 years with recently achieved industrial peace. The company minimized Korean staffs and maximized Indonesian staffs. It pays more than minimum wage, and observes labor law when using outsourcing workers. The managers of the company recognize their labor union as management partner and support union activities through paying bonus for the union head and travel allowances for solidarity gatherings. There is no discrimination between plural unions. Furthermore, collective bargaining is led by indigenous managers according to the musyawarah, a local principle of bargaining. Therefore, PT. Miwon Indonesia could be regarded as a forerunner of localization in labor management among Korean companies in Indonesia. Miwon's case will serve a useful reference when discussing localization of labor management strategies.

• Strategy21
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• s.39
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• pp.242-250
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• 2016

본 논문은 왜 인도해군이 인도양을 벗어나 태평양 해역으로 진출하려는지에 대한 이유를 설명한다. 인도는 거대한 섬 국가이자, 해양국가이다. 이에 인도해군(Indian Navy: IN)은 인도양에서의 해양안보(maritime security) 활동을 주도하고 있으며, 이는 이 해양에서 발생되고 있는 다양한 비군사적 위협에 대한 기여로 나타나고 있다. 예를 들면 아덴만 해적퇴치작전 등이다. 인도는 지리적으로 중국 등의 대륙국가와 국경을 접하고 있으나, 태평양 연안국가들과 긴밀한 양자간 관계를 유지하고 있으며, 아울러 다양한 다자간 협력체에 적극적으로 참가하고 있다. 후자의 경우 EAS, ARF, ASEAN 등의 협력체이다. 또한 인도는 경제, 사회문화적으로 태평양 연안국가들과 동질성을 갖고 있다. 그 동안 인도해군은 태평양에 대한 많은 기여와 관심을 갖고 있었으며, 이는 서태평양해군심포지움(WPNS) 업저버 국가 등의 다양한 활동 확대에서 발견되고 있다. 인도는 동방정책(India's Look East Policy)를 외교정책으로 채택하고 있으며, 이는 태평양에서의 해양안보에 대한 기여와 참여를 의미한다. 이는 최근까지 왜 인도해군이 중국, 아세안, 한국, 일본 및 호주 등과 긴밀한 해양협력 관계를 유지하고 있는지에 대한 주된 이유를 설명한다. 이러한 인도해군의 기여는 태평양 해양에서의 해양 평화와 번영에 기여할 것으로 전망된다.