• Strategy21
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• s.46
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• pp.5-28
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• 2020

In 2019, the U.S. Department of Defense and the U.S. Department of State issued two reports to announce their plan to fulfill "free and open Indo-Pacific". Two reports commonly insisted on the support and participation from allies and partners to maintain security and stability in the Indo-Pacific. In response to this, neighboring states in the Indo-Pacific, including Japan, Australia, India, ASEAN, and Taiwan have different perspectives and stances based on their national interests. South Korea, too, has not clearly announced its position because they need to consider the alliance between the U.S. and South Korea as well as relationships between South Korea and China. This report focuses on the stances of neighboring states to the Indo-Pacific strategy and expected pros and cons of the participation of the strategy. In addition, when considering the name of strategy, the Indo-Pacific, naval power will be a main instrument to implement the strategy. Thus, this study also investigates the role of naval power in the Indo-Pacific strategy.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.89-100
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• 2017

Last January 2017, Donald Trump was inaugurated as the 45th president of the United States. He actively claimed a priority for the United States, which is referred as America First, during his presidential campaign. However, his political assertions turned out to be as Isolationist in terms of foreign policy. It becomes a serious problem for South Korea because South Korea is solely dependent on the U.S. "Extended Deterrence" of North Korea's nuclear threats. In other words, there will be a higher likelihood for North Korea to misinterpret the relationship between South Korea and the U.S. Due to his foreign policy, there is a possible provocation by North Korea. Therefore, ROK-U.S. Alliance, the model of Asymmetry Alliance in order to prepare for North Korea's nuclear provocation, will be evaluated through America's perspective based on "Autonomy-Security Trade-off Model". For this purpose, this research will evaluate ROK-U.S. Alliance with regards to a threat perception, policy coordination, and a value as an ally. Based on the evaluation, it will deduce tactical implications of South Korea's alliance.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.135-160
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• 2018

This study aims to predict the likely effect of economic sanctions on North Korea by examining case studies of Iran and Iraq. While UN sanctions against Iraq had immediate negative consequences for society, such as causing famine and reinforcing the authoritarian regime, sanctions against Iran had some productive consequences after they were reinforced by the U.S. and EU in significantly reduced oil exports and government expenditure, which in turn led to regime change and willingness to negotiate nuclear programs for economic recovery. Apart from these distinct differences, sanctions in both countries caused high inflation, shortage of necessary supplies, and increased unemployment. Case studies of Iran and Iraq also reveal that the sanctions disproportionately affected women and children, which implies that the recently reinforced economic sanctions of the U.S. and China against North Korea will cause more suffering of similarly socially marginalized groups in North Korea.

• Resources Recycling
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.3-14
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• 2019

Copper is used in many electronic components and construction parts due to its excellent electrical conductivity and heat transfer characteristics, and also used for pre-plating for double layer coating such as nickel, so that copper is an essential material in modern industry. Despite the expected increase of usage and importance on wiring, sensors and data equipment in the next generation industries, it is hard for securing stable copper supply and resource management resulting from the copper prices are fluctuating owing to the economic crisis in Europe, the low economic growth trend in China, and President Trump's commitment to public industrial facilities investment in U.S.. Since most of the domestic copper consumption is used by electrolytic copper cathode, we studied not only copper recycling technology which is being commercialized but also current research trend under the research stage. This study aims to examine the characteristics of each process and the areas where future recycling technology development is required.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.119-145
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• 2018

Celebrating its $50^{th}$ anniversary in 2017, the leaders of ASEAN member sates have adopted a series of declarations and action plans for enhancing its institutional capability and functional cooperation. ASEAN's convening power is expected to underpin its centrality and resilience. Meanwhile, ASEAN's retreat from democracy has increasingly become a hindrance for its further development. This article reviews the process of ASEAN's community building and its external relations. First, it argues that there is increasing concerns over ASEAN's limited capability in dealing with regional issues mainly caused by the deprivation of human rights and the democracy in crisis. Second, this article considers the dynamics of ASEAN's external relations mainly focusing on its relations with China, the United States, and South Korea. The South China Sea issue and China's increasing economic influence in the region have contributed to the complexity of ASEAN-China relations. The ASEAN's responses to the shift in American foreign policy under the Trump administration posits the unity of ASEAN. The New Southern Policy initiated by South Korean President, Moon Jae-in appears to be a new focal point of Korea-ASEAN relations despite considerable challenges, which requires to maintain ASEAN centrality.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.43 no.3
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• pp.47-74
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• 2018

The United States is often perceived as a free-trading nation as it significantly contributed to the establishment of the GATT and WTO in the 20th century. With the inauguration of the Trump Administration in 2017, however, trading partners of the United States are faced with great concerns over the 'new' aggressive, protectionist and above all, unilateral trade threats posed by the United States under the name of 'America-First' trade policy. However, the recent unilateral trade actions by the United States are not new, but has historically and continuously been used to protect its key industries, like the automobile sector. This paper analyzes the historical cases of the unilateral trade policy of the United States in the automobile industry, targeting Korea and Japan in the 1980s, 1990s and 2010s. Then, we draw future implications for other key industries of the United States such as IT, intellectual property, services and agricultural sectors. This study evaluates whether such unilateral practices have brought successful and expected outcomes in favor of the United States.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.69-92
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• 2018

North Korea conducted a total of six nuclear tests from the 1st test of 2006 to September, 2017. North Korea developed an armed forces security strategy at the level of regime protection and defense to respond to U.S. hostile policy. However, it is certain that strategic goals of North Korea's nuclear test were to overcome a crisis in North Korea's regime through US-North Korea negotiation and complete nuclear armed forces for socialist unification on the Korean Peninsula. North Korea's continuous nuclear test is a direct factor in threatening peace on the Korean Peninsula and an indirect factor in security dynamics of Northeast Asia. The U.N. Security Council has enforced sanctions against North Korea through six resolutions against North Korea's reckless nuclear test for the past 10 years. However, Kim Jong-Un's regime is in a position to stick to simultaneous pursuit of nuclear and economic development in spite of anti-North sanction of international society including U.N. and U.S.A. It is understood that North Korea was stimulated to conduct intense nuclear test as U.N. and U.S.A's anti-North sanction was not effective on North Korea. Full-scale and local wars are expected as military options, one of anti-North sanctions of the Trump administration. The Trump administration has attempted diplomatic pressure strategy as a secondary boycott unlike previous administrations. Nevertheless, North Korea has stood against U.N. and U.S.A's anti-North sanction with brinkmanship tactics, announcing full-scale military confrontation against U.S. It is judged that North Korea will pursue simultaneous nuclear weapons and economic development in terms of regime survival. North Korea will have less strategic choices in that its regime may collapse because of realistic national strategy between U.S.A. and China.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• v.34 no.3
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• pp.133-158
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• 2018

The role and ratio of national vessels in the global container shipping market have reduced significantly due to the bankruptcy of Hanjin Shipping in early 2017. All import-export companies, as well as container ports in Korea, are facing a crisis. The Trump's tariff and trade battles have had a negative impact on the increase in the North American cargo. However, Chinese and Japanese container shipping companies, which merged with domestic container shipping companies, and mega carriers such as Maersk and CMA CGM have benefited from the decline in shipping supplies due to the collapse of Hanjin Shipping, the world's 10th largest container carrier in Korea. The import/export freight trade in Korea is witnessing the increasing stronghold of foreign carriers. This scenario is expected to weaken Korea's negotiation powers with overseas shipping companies in domestic ports, such as Busan and Kwangyang, thereby making it more challenging to attract shipping carriers. This study compares the global container-shipping network in 2007 and 2017 by combining the network topology of the social network analysis and the economics of the liner shipping connectivity index (LSCI) and the container port connectivity index (CPCI) analysis. The findings of this study are that the role of the ports across the world can be identified, and CPCI has a high correlation with the centrality index and freight volume data. These findings can contribute toward the utilization of the meaning of the necessary centrality index without an additional centrality analysis. This study can be applied not only to the call strategy of container carriers but also to the alliance and development strategy of Korean ports.

• Journal of Technology Innovation
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.127-150
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• 2020

The World Health Organization (WHO) declared the third pandemic in history after the Hong Kong flu and swine flu. The outbreak of Corona 19 dramatically reduced exchanges between countries, while rapid contagion created a time gap in economic fluctuations by country. In January 2020, the trade dispute between the US and China entered into a consensus phase, but the economic decoupling phenomenon caused by Corona 19 made it difficult for China to balance trade with the US and made it difficult to comply with the terms of the trade dispute agreement between the US and China. President Trump attributed the responsibility for the spread of Corona 19 to China, and pointed out that the cause of the economic downturn was the infringement of Chinese trade secrets and illegal copies, and protectionism arose. As a result, China protested fiercely, and the conflict with the United States deepened. The US has declared trade sanctions on Huawei and SMIC, which are key companies in China's semiconductor industry, and is predicting the risk of a disconnection of the semiconductor value chain between the US and China. The separation of the value chain of the semiconductor industry has the potential to have a big impact on the semiconductor industry, a structure that is highly specialized and monopolized by certain countries and companies in the value chain. This paper aims to deal with the risk of disconnection in the semiconductor value chain between the US and China reignited by Corona 19, the impact and change of the global semiconductor industry value chain, and the response strategies of Korean semiconductor companies.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Aeronautical & Space Sciences
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• v.46 no.12
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• pp.1056-1069
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• 2018

In order to promote the commercial space activities of the private sector, the Trump Administration announced the commercial space regulatory reforms by issuing the Space Policy Directive-2 (SPD-2) on May 24, 2018, followed by the SPD-3 dealing with a separate issue of the space traffic management on June 18. Both executive orders, based on the recommendations prepared by the National Space Council (NSC) reconstituted in June 2017 and signed by the President, involve regulatory reform policy related to launch services, commercial remote sensing, establishment of one-stop shop office in Commerce Department, radio frequency spectrum, export control, and space traffic management, providing a strong guidance to the Federal Government. The commercial space regulatory reform policy can be seen in broader terms of the National Security Strategy earlier announced on Dec. 18, 2017, and as such, it pursues the economic growth of the U.S. and the national security as well. The U.S. law and policy prioritizing its national interests by promoting commercial space activities may lead to concerns and debate on the potential breach of the provisions of the Outer Space Treaty. Hence, it is worth noting the legal implications as derived from the U.S. space policy and domestic legislation, thereby accelerating international discussion to build on international norms as appropriate to the pr ogress of space technology and space commercialization.