• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.5-40
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• 2018

The history of decentralization and autonomy is the result of the struggle for democracy against the authoritarian central government. Before the imminent law amendment, there are many tasks for decentralization and citizen autonomy. Therefore, decentralization and autonomy are not given on their own but they must be taken from authoritarian and centralist power group which possesses exclusive interests. The decentralization and autonomy now enters into the stage of development. In 1960, the April 19 Revolution opened the era of democratic local autonomy and it was abolished by the military coup of May 16, Now, the era of the reform of the decentralization are coming. Decentralization and autonomy will evolve from the stage of quantitative expansion to the stage of qualitative leap. This paper proposes that the revision of decentralization be the strategic maximum, and that the independence of the local government personnel rights be the tactical minimum. This paper insists that the independence of personnel right in the local government can be a link with law amendment for decentralization. Local autonomy and decentralization are the main subjects of the amendment. Above all, clarifying this is the subject and method of this study, and the scope of the study.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.29-72
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• 2017

This study explores the ways that newspapers report the administrations' policies of 'university reform' from February 2008 to December 2015 through critical discourse analysis. As results, Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo produce the discourse that the crisis of universities is so real and dangerous that it brings about the crisis of our nation, and that the current university systems should be changed into neoliberal systems because it is the critical reason of the crisis. Using various discursive strategies, they construct their reports as objective, real and embodying general goods and then successfully build the neoliberal discourse on university reform as commonsensical and natural. They finally acquire the discursive hegemony for university reform. Kyunghyang-shinmun and Hankyoreh-shinmun produce the anti-discourse against that of Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo. However, they can not develop substantial hegemony struggles for the discourse of university reform because of the limitations of their discourse in terms of quantity and quality and the social and press structures overwhelmingly inclined for neo-liberalism.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.73-103
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• 2017

With the introduction and expansion of 'maker movement', maker culture captured attention and saw itself as an emerging culture. This study aims to analyze published books, policy report, columns and news articles related to maker culture through the perspective of critical discourse analysis. Maker movement led by the government gives meaning to the maker culture as the force of 'creative economy' that can overcome the economic crisis. Following this meaning making, one-man digital fabrication start-ups have been actively promoted by government policies. In the case of Seoul, it criticizes government led maker movement that only focuses on economy and institutionalizes maker movement by focusing on the maker culture's aspect as 'digital social innovation' that can resolve social problems. In the world of art, it tries to rediscover the value craft, that is, 'creative craftsman'. Moreover, resistance movement that tries to fight against dominant technology structure through constructing 'critical making' was also spotted. Nonetheless, it is rather untimely to definitely find dominant discourse's power effect in reality and sign of rupture in dominant structure as the result of resisting discourse's struggle. Thus, maker movement is the field of struggle where an ongoing clash can be found: between discourse strategy that tries to make maker culture a social or economic asset by combining with dominant power structure, and alternating or resisting practice of signification that focuses on its cultural techno-political potential.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.69-83
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• 2012

This paper attempts to explore the development of the media labor movement and its tasks. Due to the unique characteristics of information delivered by media, the media labor movement under the authoritarian regime was oppressed and regulated by the government. As democratization has proceeded, the state's oppression and regulation of media has been weakened. However, media workers should wage the struggle for union recognition and independence of editorship simultaneously. Because media unions as labor market organizations also seek for job security and wage increase, we need to understand both political dimension and economic dimension of union activities in media industry. While state's control over media has been diminished in the late 1900s, competition in media industry has been intensified. As small number of media corporations monopolizes the media market, the ecology of media has been completely transformed. Unions in media industry should respond to the change of the media ecology and should build solidarity among media workers at the same time. The achievement of the public nature of media as a part of democratization and building union federation of media industry as a response to the marketization of media still remain as an epochal task for media unions. Like the case of "Hope Bus" in the strike in Hanjin Heavy Industrial Corporation, solidarity between citizens and striking workers should be strengthened.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society for Environmental Edudation Conference
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• 2004.12a
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• pp.43-58
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• 2004

환경운동 10년의 결과 '생태적 감수성'이라는 '감성영역'이 새롭게 개발되고 보편화 되었으며, 녹색소비의 정신이 확산되고, '환경'은 늘 관심을 기울어야 하는 '문제영역'으로 설정될 수 있었다. 이는 환경교육에도 확산되어, 녹색소비 운동과 관리주의적 실천은 이제 보편화되었다. 지방정부에서 '의제21'을 채택하여 개발연대에 직강화된 '도시하천'의 생태적 복원이 활발하게 진행중이고, 초중고교의 '녹색화' 사업이 생태숲이나 생태연못 등등의 명칭하에 진행중이다. 한편 '환경교육진흥법'은 아직 계류중이긴 하나, 경기도와 같이 지방정부 수준에서 체험적 생태교육 시설을 정책적으로 확장해 나가고자 하는 흐름도 있다. 또한 1999년의 동강댐 반대투쟁, 2003년과 2004년의 새만금 저지투쟁과 부안항쟁을 거치면서 생명의 소중함에 대한 인식은 이제 '생명권' 개념의 확산을 앞두고 있을 정도로 보편화되고 있다. 그리고 이는 생태적 감수성을 함양하는 '체험 환경교육'의 보편화로 나타나고 있다. 하지만 교과교육으로서의 환경교육과 체험학습 영역의 환경교육은 '접점'을 찾지 못하고 있다. 한편으로 온 나라를 떠들썩하게 만드는 '환경갈등'에 대하여 그것의 '뿌리'를 완전히 뽑아내는 방식의 '재발 방지' 정치적 성과는 제대로 축적되고 있지 못하며, 환경교육은 '환경갈등'의 정치경제적 속성을 정면으로 응시하고 있지 못하다. 2004년의 환생교사업방향중 하나가 '사회적 실천'을 강조하는 흐름이었던 것은 바로 이와 같은 사정을 반영한다. '생태적 감수성'은 실천이라기 보다 안주와 '누림'의 영역으로 되기 십상이었기에 그러하며 실제로 상품화된 '생태기행'의 등장은 그런 맥락에서 이해된다. 그럼에도 이는 10년전 '군사문화'가 우리안에 살아있던 것에 비하면 분명 큰 진전이다. 군사훈련식의 수련활동이 생명과 생태에 대한 감수성을 일깨우는 '생태적 감수성' 함양으로 전환된 것이 단적인 경우이다. 이제 이러한 성과를 토대로 이후 학교환경교육 10년을 전망할 수 있어야 하겠다. 필자는 그 화두를 '환경정의'와 '생태적 합리성'에서 찾고자 한다. 생태적 감수성 키우기가 상업화 단계에 이를 정도로 보편화되었다면, 이를 바탕으로 '생태적 합리성'이라는 체계적인 지식교육을 거쳐서, '환경정의' 의식의 제고로 이어가고, 굵직한 '환경갈등'의 상황에서 뚜렷한 정치적 태도와 실천을 할 수 있는 '생태적 인간상'의 육성으로 나아갈 수 있어야 한다는 것이 필자의 생각이다. 이를 위해서는 어찌되었건 체험학습 영역에서는 환경현안에 대한 사회적 실천을 '교육 소재'로 삼을 수 있어야 하며, 교과학습 영역에서는 한국사회의 환경현안에 대한 정치경제적 접근을 외면하지 말고 교과서 저작의 소재로 삼을 수 있어야 하며, 이는 '환경관리주의'와 '녹색소비'에 머물러 있는 '환경 지식교육'과 실천을 한단계 진전시키는 작업으로 이어질 것이다. 이후 10년의 환경교육은 바로 '생태적 합리성'과 '환경정의'라는 두 '화두'에 터하여 세워져야 한다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.289-304
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• 2018

The fandom phenomenon of political emotion originated from ideological conflicts between the conservative and the progressive amplifies social conflicts in South Korea in interpreting and accepting films as culture media. The purpose of this paper is to examine why the structure of political consciousness in South Korea is fandomized, what is the acceptance of cinema at the center of the controversy of political ideology, and what is the desirable attitude of film reception. I conducted a discourse analysis that closely examined the debates and articles on the internet regarding ,(2013) and ,(2014) which were controversial in terms of conservatism and progressivism. As a result, First, while Korean society has not constituted a consensus on modern and contemporary history, it has easily led the acceptance of cinema to the controversy surrounding the political ideology. Second, the failure of constructing consensual memories of modern and contemporary history has made the conservative and the progressive not acknowledge the other's achievements. Third, film interpretation and meaning production are ultimately the roles of the audience, and on interpretation, diversity should be respected but conformity would be rejected. Film acceptance and interpretation should focus on rational awareness of social reality and would reflect on the social ideal objectively.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.46 no.6
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• pp.767-780
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• 2011

The present paper discusses the relationship between human being and space through 'recognition.' Recognition is the natural desire of human being. Every human being wants to be recognized for what they do in everywhere. Human being enhances their own identity and fight for the raison d'etre to be recognized by others. Hegel's recognition is grounded by a process of mutual recognition based on the subject-object view of human beings. On the other hand, the recognition based on inter-subjectivity is founded by the view of human beings emphasizing "we" on the basis of the relationship between you and I. These two meanings of recognition make it possible to newly recognize the relationship between human beings and space. In the paper, I emphasize the role of geography about the invisible space over the geographical recognition regarding the visible space dealing in previously geography. I expect to be recovered the nature of geography by revealing the invisible space. Also, the geographical discovery is presented about two spaces including inaudible space and unwritable space but having story via '$\acute{e}$criture blanche.' In terms of the discovery, I criticize irrationalities and discrepancies of our society and suggest ways of solving problems. The goal of the discussion is to support the overcoming of the immediate geography crisis as well as communicate with the world as humanity.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.71
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• pp.52-74
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• 2015

The May 18 Democratic Movement has been considered to be specific case of the big deviation in social memory among the events that occurred after the Korea War. Compared with other events associated with the democratization movement, the May 18 Democratic Movement is special in that can be achieved various changed meaning. In this study, primary focus will be on the background and logics to show what changed the meaning of the May 18 Democratic Movement from the perspectives of the memorial project. And to investigate influences of change of meaning on perspectives and forms of memorial projects. Recognition and forms of memorial projects on the May 18 Democratic Movement had been largely changed around 2000s. Memorial projects were the aspects that are the logics of the social movements absorbed into the logics of the institutionalization before 2000s. During this period, it was done primarily the discourse of a holy ground for democracy and sanctuarization, had characterized the nature of the struggle of memory. After 2000s, the May 18 Democratic Movement has been interpreted historical resources to create a cultural city and a human rights city. Sometimes the May 18 Democratic Movement was appropriated by local development discourse, and sometimes was adopted as the material of differentiation strategy in the city. Form of memorial projects has also been changed type of struggle of memory to type of heritage industry.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.15 no.5
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• pp.635-654
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• 2009

Recently, concepts of multicultural society and/or multiculturalism have been not only widely discussed across several disciplines, but also actively promoted in government's policy, as the in-flow of foreign immigrants has increased rapidly. This paper suggests the term 'multicultural space' instead of multicultural society in a sense that both international migration of immigrants and their accommodation to a certain locality presuppose a spatial dimension. This paper also points out that the term multiculturalsim should be used very carefully, because this term includes a normative character implied in a sense of recognition of ethnic and cultural diversity and difference on the one hand, and an ideological one reflected on strategic policies of capital and the state on the other. On the basis of recognition of these problems, this paper tries to reformulate spatially the concept of muticultural society which has been supposed to be constructed due to rapidly increasing foreign immigrants, emphasizing some usefulness of multi-scalar approach. It then analyzes economic and political contexts of transnational migration, providing a criticism of multiculturalism as an ideological logic of capital and the state in transnational captialism. Finally it put a stress upon importance of struggle for spaces of recognition as a new glocal ethics in the age of post-globalization.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.15 no.6
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• pp.803-819
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• 2009

This study explores of the lowest social class segregation in the residential area of Yao city of the Osaka Prefecture. The Buraku people, who constitute a social class that was the object of societal discrimination and exclusion since the beginning of modem times, formed a segregated residential area of their own. During the process of an organized struggle against discrimination that was institutionally recognized, communal consciousness among the constituents was consolidated. Moreover, in the Yao city, Korean immigrants in Japan, another discriminated group, as well as Vietnamese refugees and Chinese, who are also social minorities, increased in number. Also, activities by the Buraku people and Korean immigrants in Japan to defend human rights and the rights of social minorities began to unfold. Recently, the number of small scale factories in the Buraku's Douwa District decreased due to relocation of manufacturing companies elsewhere throughout Japan and to the effects of depression. New non-Buraku houses began to appear one by one on the site where factories started to disappear. While the spatial separatism of Yao city, as part of the isolated Douwa District, is weakening, the struggle based on communal consciousness among the social minorities and continued human rights activity is exerting great influence upon the administrative policy of Yao city. In the case of Yao city, while the visual appearance of spatial segregation is weakening, the communal consciousness among the regional residents remains. From this perspective, it can be said that this case represents a modified form of isolated space or the social pattern of segregation which is in the stage of extinction.