• Title/Summary/Keyword: 퇴계 이황

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A Study on the Woodam Jeong Si-Han(愚潭 丁時翰)'s "Siqibianzheng (「四七辨證」)" (우담 정시한의 「사칠변증(四七辨證)」에 관한 연구)

  • Seo, Geun-Sik
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.59
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    • pp.343-370
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    • 2018
  • Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) completed "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證") at the age of 72, and later had the argument over Runwuxingtongyilunzheng(人物性同異論爭) with his disciple, Lee Sik(李?). Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) had the position of Runwuxingyilun(人物性異論) and Lee Sik(李?) Runwuxingtonglun(人物性同論). Yet, the argument over Runwuxingtongyilunzheng(人物性同異論爭) had been forgotten and "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證") could be acknowledged because Toegye school(退溪學派) and Yulgok school(栗谷學派) were conflicting and criticizing each other's stance at that time. It seems like Lee Hyeon-Il(李玄逸)'s "Liqulishilunsiduanqiqingshubian"("栗谷李氏論四端七情書辨") had a great influence on the completion of "Siqibianzheng" ("四七辨證"). Lee Yi(李珥)'s thought of Siduan(四端) and Qiqing(七情) was 'the position of Hunlun(渾淪)' that 'Qiqing(七情) includes Siduan(四端)', and Lee Hwang(李滉) had the 'position of Fenkai(分開)' that Siduan(四端) and Qiqing(七情) should be interpreted differently. Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) criticized the stance of Hunlun(渾淪) from the position of Fenkai(分開). What did Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) try to pursue through "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證")? This fact tends to make us forget the controversy over Runwuxingtongyilunzheng(人物性同異論爭) between Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) and disciple Lee Sik(李?). Now we know the fact that Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) criticized Lee Yi(李珥) in "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證"), but don't care much about the fact that Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) caused the controversy over Runwuxingtongyilun(人物性同異論). Why "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證") has remained in our memory even though it was an important one? It might be because "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證") had an impact on Lee Sik(李?), Shin Hu-Dam(愼後聃), and even Jeong Yak-Yong(丁若鏞) in the process of summarizing the arguments over Siduanqiqinglunzheng(四端七情論爭) since Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) regardless of whether Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) had hoped it or not.

A specific character and structure of human nature in Confucian (유학에서 나타나는 심성구조 및 특성)

  • Park Yeong-Mog
    • Science of Emotion and Sensibility
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    • v.8 no.3
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    • pp.241-251
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    • 2005
  • With its history of two thousand years of studying the human mind, Confucianism may be applied to contemporary emotional science for its unique perspectives and methodologies in understanding the origin of the human mind. By examining the Confucian understanding of human mind according to general Confucian ideas as well as the scholar, LEE Whang's, an idea similar to contemporary 'emotion' in Confucianism was discovered. Importance of the sentiment was not in the resulting goodness originating from one's fundamental nature, but rather its goodness was only achieved when human nature manifested itself without any distortion. This good emotion, namely 'sensibility', presents the essential difference Confucian understanding bears in comparison to the contemporary concept. And the system for grasping the human mind was considered to be the viewpoint of examining the contents and subject of function than a formal system of functioning human mind. It assumes the stance of looking into thehuman mind from the general and synthetic view of contemporary cognitive, emotional, biological and philosophical perspectives. Overall, the researchconcludes that there existed a long history of high-level research into the human mind in Confucianism that may satisfactorily provide partial reference and understanding as well as consequent perspectives and knowledge for discovering the common denominator with the emotional science.

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A Study of the foundations of culture established the Sosu Seowon (소수서원(紹修書院) 건립의 문화적 토대 연구 - 회헌(晦軒) 안향(安珦)의 선비정신을 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Jeong-Hwa
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.48
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    • pp.41-63
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    • 2012
  • This research paper is aims to study the Zhu Xi school of Neo-Confucianism culture based on the Sosu seowon. Also This research paper is to discuss study and scholars correlation the Sosu seowon. The Sosu seowon is mainly made up of the Zhu Xi school of Neo-Confucianism development. The Sosu seowon was the cradle of scholars and bureaucrats. Scholars who study of orthodox Neo-Confucianism in the our country was respected academic spirit of An Whyang in the study of orthodox Neo-Confucianism. An Whyang is symbolic existence of the Sosu seowon. He knew well the importance of learning. He was the person to represent the Sosu seowon. Toegye and Sinje are handed down to the fundamental principle brought in on the orthodox Neo-Confucianism caused by An Whyang. This research paper is to based upon on academic spirit of An Whyang in the study of orthodox Neo-Confucianism. Scholars who study of orthodox Neo-Confucianism thought that the nation's happiness made appointment to a competent person learned the orthodox Neo-Confucianism caused by An Whyang related to the Humanism education.

A Study on Value of Geumseonjeong as a Scenic Spot (금선정의 명승적 가치에 관한 연구)

  • Choi, Ji-Young;Lee, Jin-Hyang;Lee, Jae-Keun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.30 no.1
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    • pp.113-124
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    • 2012
  • The Confucian culture of the Chosun Dynasty has a great effect on the construction of ByeolSeo gardens. Among them, especially the gardens built in Gyeongsang Province areas, where a great number of Confucian scholars were produced in the beautiful natural environment, have maintained various heritage of Confucian culture established by the scholars. Along with the Nakdong River, we can find so many cultural assets of buildings such as head houses, ByeolSeo gardens, including the literary remains such as administrative certificates, poetry and prose, and records of pavilions, which show the trace of the scholars who followed the instructions of the doctrines of Chu-tzu. The Geumseonjeog located in Punggi County, Gyeongsangbuk Province, which was the ByeolSeo gardens possessed by Geumgye Whang Jun-ryang(1517-1563), who was the governor of the area and one of the representative students of Toigye Lee Whang. The building is located nearby the Geumseon Valley with beautiful natural scenery under Sobaek Mountain. Especially the pine forest around the valley boasts a unique natural setting. This study is aimed to analyze the value of natural scenic spot of the Geumseonjeong through the surveys on surroundings, topography, vegetation and water system. including the value of humanistic elements focused on the writings such as 'Geumgyejip' written by Whang Jun-ryang and Lee Whang, another 'Geumgyejip' written by Ryu un-ryong, and 'Geumgyejeongsajungsugi' written by Hong Gyeong-ryeom. And also, the scenic spot value of the signboards such as the 'Geumgyejeongsajungsugi' written by Ryu un-ryong, 'Geumgyejeong' by Lee Han-il, 'Geumgyejeong' written by Jo Un-hyeong and 'Geumgyejeongsa, written by Lee Jung-gi, was analyzed. And the historical and cultural value was analyzed through the semantic interpretation of the series of poetry and pose and the old map established in 1872. In respect of the scenery, the surroundings of the Geumseon Valley boast the outstanding settings as the clean mountain stream in front of the Geumseonjeong makes a beautiful harmony with the pine forest. The pine forest surrounding the Geumseon Valley has played a secret role in the history of the village. Considering the fact that the pine forest was expressed in the map of Punggi County produced in 1872, it may be assumed that the forest was regarded to have historical and scenic value in those times. Considering the fact that the words like 'Beautiful' and 'Scenic spot' were used in the writings like 'Geumgyejip' and there were meeting places around the valley, we can recognize the value of the place as a scenic spot. The beautiful natural scenery surrounding the ByeolSeo gardens, and the increase in humanistic value of the poetry and prose, including the administrative certificates, has recently brought about the cases in which some scenic spots of the ByeolSeo gardens were designated as cultural assets. According to the value as a scenic spot and semantic interpretation of the Geumseonjeong, the pavilion appeared to have a great scenic spot value as a ByeolSeo gardens, so that this study was designed to prepare criteria with which the pavilion may be designated as a scenic spot of ByeolSeo gardens.

A Study on the Consideration of the Locations of Gyeongju Oksan Gugok and Landscape Interpretation - Focusing on the Arbor of Lee, Jung-Eom's "Oksan Gugok" - (경주 옥산구곡(玉山九曲)의 위치비정과 경관해석 연구 - 이정엄의 「옥산구곡가」를 중심으로 -)

  • Peng, Hong-Xu;Kang, Tai-Ho
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.36 no.3
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    • pp.26-36
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    • 2018
  • This study aims to examine the characteristics of landscape through the analysis of location and the landscape of Gugok while also conducting the empirical study through the literature review, field study, and digital analysis of the Okgung Gugok. Oksan Gugok is a set of songs set in Ogsan Creek(玉山川)or Jagyese Creek(紫溪川, 紫玉山), which flows in front of the Oksan Memorial Hall(李彦迪), which is dedicated to the Lee Eong-jeok (李彦迪). We first ascertained the location and configuration of Oksan Gogok. Second, we confirmed the accurate location of Oksan Gogok by utilizing the digital topographic map of Oksan Gogok which was submitted by Google Earth Pro and Geographic Information Center as well as the length of the longitude of the gravel measured by the Trimble Juno SB GPS. Through the study of the literature and the field investigation, The results of the study are as follows. First, Yi Eonjeok was not a direct composer of Oksan Gugok, nor did he produce "Oksan Gugokha(Music)". Lee Ia-sung(李野淳), the ninth Youngest Son of Tweo-Kye, Hwang Lee, visited the "Oksan Gugokha" in the spring of 1823(Sunjo 23), which was the 270th years after the reign of Yi Eonjeok. At this time, receiving the proposal of Ian Sung, Lee Jung-eom(李鼎儼), Lee Jung-gi(李鼎基), and Lee Jung-byeong(李鼎秉), the descendants of Ian Sung set up a song and created Oksan Gugok Music. And the Essay of Oksan Travel Companions writted by Lee Jung-gi turns out being a crucial data to describe the situation when setting up the Ok-San Gugok. Second, In the majority of cases, Gogok Forest is a forest managed by a Confucian Scholar, not run by ordinary people. The creation of "Oksan Bugok Music" can be regarded as an expression of pride that the descendants of Yi Eonjeok and Lee Hwang, and next generation of several Confucian scholars had inherited traditional Neo-Confucian. Third, Lee Jung-eom's "Oksan Donghaengki" contains a detailed description of the "Oksan Gugokha" process and the process of creating a song. Fourth, We examined the location of one to nine Oksan songs again. In particular, eight songs and nine songs were located at irregular intervals, and eight songs were identified as $36^{\circ}01^{\prime}08.60^{{\prime}{\prime}}N$, $129^{\circ}09^{\prime}31.20^{{\prime}{\prime}}E$. Referring to the ancient kingdom of Taojam, the nine-stringed Sainam was unbiased as a lower rock where the two valleys of the East West congregate. The location was estimated at $36^{\circ}01^{\prime}19.79^{{\prime}{\prime}}N$, $129^{\circ}09^{\prime}30.26^{{\prime}{\prime}}E$. Fifth, The landscape elements and landscapes presented in Lee Jung-eom's "Oksan Gugokha" were divided into form, semantic and climatic elements. As a result, Lee Jung-eom's Cho Young-gwan was able to see the ideal of mountain water and the feeling of being idle in nature as well as the sense of freedom. Sixth, After examining the appearance of the elements and the frequency of the appearance of the landscape, 'water' and 'mountain' were the absolute factors that emphasized the original curved environment at the mouth of Lee Jung-eom. Therefore, there was gugokga can gauge the fresh ideas(神仙思想)and retreat ever(隱居思想). This inherent harmony between the landscape as well as through the mulah any ideas that one with nature and meditation, Confucian tube.

Ki Ho School of Neo-Confucianism on Yi Xue Qi Meng in Later Chosun Period (조선후기 기호성리학파의 역학계몽 이해)

  • Yi, Suhn Gyohng
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.35
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    • pp.275-308
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    • 2012
  • This article aims to investigate the studies of Yi Xue Qi Meng(易學啓蒙) performed by the researchers of Neo-Confucianism in Ki Ho region in later Chosun period. Philologically speaking, these studies were mainly performed by Han Won Jin and his colleagues. While the study of Yi Hwang(李滉)'s Qi Meng Zhuan Yi(啓蒙傳疑) performed by the researchers of Toegye(退溪) School lasts from the end of the sixteenth century to the nineteen's century, the Ki Ho(畿湖) scholars' study of Yi Xue Qi Meng are centered in the eighteenth century and hardly any significant work on this text is found before and after this century. In order to single out the distinctive features of Ki Ho School of Neo-Confucianism, this article examines three subjects the Ki Ho scholars delved into: (i) their theory of Tai Ji(太極), (ii) their theory of He-Tu(河圖) and the formation of eight trigrams, and (iii) the so-called Wu Wei Xiang De Shuo(五位相得說) discussed in one of the sections in Yi Xue Qi Meng titled the Source of He-Tu and Luo Shu[本圖書]. The Ki Ho scholars are remarkable in interpreting Tai Ji in Yi Xue Qi Meng in the context of the theory of Li-Qi and the theory of human nature. There are differences in opinion among the Ki-Ho scholars with regard to the relation between He-Tu and the formation of eight trigrams. Eventually, they withhold Zhu Xi(朱熹) and Hu Fang Ping(胡方平)'s attempt to synthesize He-Tu, the rectangular diagram of Fu Xi(伏羲)'s eight trigrams, and the circular diagram of Fu Xi's eight trigrams into one single principle. Han Won Jin tries to explain the relation between He-tu and the formation of eight trigrams in terms of the relation between He-Tu and the circular diagram, and his attempt is widely supported by his colleagues. This theory runs counter to traditional model of explaining truth. My conjecture is that such academic trend is further developed by the defenders of Practical Learning such as Hong Dae Yong(洪大容), who vigorously reject traditional system of truth and science, and that it partly explains why the study of Yi Xue Qi Meng ceases in the nineteenth century.

The Comparison of 'Oneness between Heaven and Man(天人合一)' thoughts between Zhoudunyi(周敦頤) and Kwonkun(權近) - Focusing on "Taijirushuo (太極圖說)" and "Ip-Hak-Do-Seol(入學圖說)" (주돈이와 권근의 천인합일사상 비교 - 『태극도설』과 『입학도설』을 중심으로 -)

  • Hur, Gwang Ho
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.66
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    • pp.251-276
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    • 2017
  • This article is an attempt to identify the difference between "Oneness between Heaven and Man(天人合一)" thought proposed by Zhoudunyi(周敦?) in 'Taijirushuo(太極圖說)' and "Cheon-In-Sim-Seong-Haap-Il(A diagram about Unifying Heaven, Human, and Mind-and-Heart)(天人心性合一)" thought presented by Kwonkun(權近) in 'Ip-Hak-Do-Seol(入學圖說)'. Oneness between Heaven and Man thought, which have developed into practical ideas centered on self-cultivation theory, have a philosophical depth and logical system by Zhoudunyi(周敦?) with 'Taijirushuo(太極圖說)' in order to summarize the metaphysical cosmology and the treatise of human nature in Dynasty Song. Zhoudunyi established the concept of Wuji(無極) corresponding to Heaven(天), and suggested unified cosmology of 'Wuji(無極)-Taiji(太極)-Yin and Yang(陰 陽)-Five elements(五行)-Human(人間)-Everything(萬物)'. His cosmology is the perception that heaven, the creator of all things, is the relationship of unity, which is connected by man as the creature and the Order(命)and Nature(性). Thus, when people restores one's nature and realized that it is a mandate from Heaven, he said that heavenly unity can be realized and become a Saint(聖人). The idea of Zhoudunyi(周敦?) comes to Zhu Xi(朱熹) about 120 years later and it is concluded to be converged the Neo-Confucianism with Lichi theory. Accordingly, Zhoudunyi(周敦?) is evaluated as the master of the Neo-Confucianism to posterity. KwonKun suggested the idea of "Cheon-In-Sim-Seong-Haap-Il(A diagram about Unifying Heaven, Human, and Mind-and-Heart)(天人心性合一)" in 'Ip-Hak-Do-Seol(入學圖說)' at the end of Goryeo Dynasty. KwonKun's "Cheon-In-Sim-Seong-Haap-Il" thought is logically coherent by adding an element of the doctrines of Chu-tzu to his teacher Yi Saek's "Chun-In-Mu-Gan" and arranging that the functions of my mind and Li(理) are all together. Whereas Zhuodunyi is concerned with the creation principle of the universe and all things, KwonKun mainly cares about Heaven(天), Human(人), and Heart (心), and Nature(性) in the view of psychology. In addition, he suggested that "Cheon-In-Sim-Seong-Haap-Il" can be achieved by self-cultivation centered of Gyeong-thought(敬思想). The idea of KwonKun has become a stepping stone to the development of the doctrines of Chu-tzu based on psychology. His ideas came to Yi Hwang about 150 year later, and are integrated into four clue-seven emotion (Sadan Chiljung四端七情) thesis and Gyeong-thought(敬思想). However, unlike the Zhoudunyi, KwonKun is not properly evaluated despite his academic accomplishments.

Research of the Neo-Confucianism and the development of Landscape painting in Song Dynasty (성리학(性理學)과 산수화(山水畵)의 발전에 관한 연구 - 송대를 중심으로 -)

  • Jang, Wan-sok
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.32
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    • pp.309-336
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    • 2011
  • There were various linking points that connect Li xue(Neo-Confucianism) to aesthetics in Song Dynasty as following. 1. The traditional moral as "pursuing pleasure of Kong-zi and Yan Hui" 2. Esteem of "life and vitality". Scholars of Li xue in Song regarded the pleasure of acting up to "benevolence" as a beauty, and this benevolence originated in the "heaven and earth; the universe". "Benevolence", that is to say, is name of the nature that continuous reproduction breed in an endless succession by "Yin-Yang the universe", thus the natural "life and vitality" of the "heaven and earth" as the matter of course is the perfect beauty. 3. An idea of "serene contemplation". Originally the "serene contemplation" belongs to discipline of "Li xue", however simultaneously this conception was entirely applicable to aesthetic point of view. 4. Cosmological consciousness. In the same manner, the "pleasure" which is moralistic and moreover aesthetic is indivisible from cosmic contemplation itself. Because of this point, the art and aesthetics of Song Dynasty self-consciously had the cosmological consciousness in its fullness. 5. Respect of beauty of nature. Scholars of "Li xue" considered as : no matter what "Li" or "Qi" that producing all things is "coming of itself", that is by no means artificially operated or prearranged in advance. Such standpoint was applied to creative art and made art of Song Dynasty esteem beauty of nature (coming of itself) exceedingly. 6. Laying stress on "disposition". Scholars of "Li xue" ordinarily valued much of "disposition of a sage", consequently this tendency influenced on aesthetics. "disposition" indicates the whole impression that one who has appearance and the inside(personality, temper, thought, etc.) gives to others. By putting that impression into practice of art and literature, it is to materialize the works of art as a unity of form and subject, also as an expression of human existence that breathed into one's sensibility on the whole. 7. Principles of "completing inquiry", "study the laws of nature by close access" of "Li xue". These principles made art and literature of Song Dynasty take a serious view of "Li" of all over the universe, so made them close investigate things, and after all have achieved very remarkable characteristic in art and literature, especially in paintings of Song Dynasty. Theory of painting in Song Dynasty had occupied considerably high position in Chinese aesthetic history. It was positively superior to former generations no matter what in quantity or in theoretical minuteness and its systematic level. Undoubtedly the Chinese theory of painting had been achieving development time after time since Song Dynasty. However if we could make a comparison it with every single period (ex. Yuan, Ming, and Qing Dynasties), there is no prominent period than Song Dynasty in theory of paintings. Song period had number of essays of Landscape painting.

An Analysis on Landscape Architecture in Korean Seowon from 16th to 19th Century and its Historic Significance (조선 시대 서원 조경의 특징과 역사적 의미 연구)

  • Lee, Younghoon-Hayden;Sung, Jong-Sang
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.41 no.2
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    • pp.1-10
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    • 2023
  • This study aims to explore the significance of historic changes and cultural characteristics of landscape architecture in Korean Seowon. Seowon refers to educational private institutes that also served as Confucian shrines and were prevalent during the mid-to-late Joseon dynasty. Seowon comprised three distinct functional spaces: a shrine, a school, and a garden. The concept of Seowon's garden extended beyond designed landscapes to include the surrounding natural environment. The importance of landscape architecture in Seowon is rooted in its connection to the educational philosophy of these institutes. During the Joseon dynasty, scholars revered nature as a manifestation of Confucian ideals, and they believed that close engagement with nature was integral to self-discipline and learning. This research investigated fifteen relatively well-preserved garden in South Korea and conducted a comprehensive analysis of their gardens. The analysis revealed two key findings. Firstly, gardens in Seowon were actively designed and constructed during the early phase of Seowon culture but gradually diminished after the 17th century. This can be attributed to the shift in Seowon's purpose, with a greater emphasis on its religious function over education. Consequently, the significance and presence of landscape architecture in Seowon, which was closely related with its Confucianist education, declined. Secondly, the study explored the historical backgrounds of each Seowon's landscape architecture and found that many of them were designed or influenced by individuals who were later memorialized and deified in the Seowon's shrines. The landscape architecture created by these predecessors was carefully preserved by the faculties and students as a form of respect. Therefore, landscape architecture in Korean Seowon not only conveys the institutional purpose as an educational hub for the local society but also reflects the institute's strong relationship with the figures they worship as shrines.