• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
• /
• v.116
• /
• pp.313-350
• /
• 2010

This article studies criticism leveled at Yulgok scholarship by the Toegye School in the northern Gyungbuk region. The Toegye School (Yulgok School) was formed both by theoretical contention and constructive criticism with its counterparts. Accordingly, the main intellectual traits of the Toegye School may not be fully appreciated by inquiring into its theoretical structure and context only; rather, this study proposes that a sound understanding of the Toegye School must be accompanied simultaneously with an analysis on aspects of the altercation with the Yulgok School of the time. In this regard, this article primarily aims to shed light on the Toegye School's theoretical context through surveying the criticism leveled by the Toegye School in the northern Gyungbuk region, which hold steadfast adherents to the discipline among other regions, against the Yulgok scholarship. Embracing the Confucian ethic, the philosophical principles of the Toegye School based on autonomy of 'Li'(理), i.e. ethical objectivism, basically aimed at reaching the state of self-manifestation. Namely, the main objective of the Toegye School was to anchor the way how the school understood existential form and cause of the universe to an ethical foundation in a crystal clear way and, accordingly, this belief in which the Toegye School gave a priority to 'Li' rather than 'Gi'(氣) must have given an advantageous position in terms of theoretical clarity over its counterparts. Furthermore, the crux of the Confucian ethical world view in the Toegye School's modes of inquiry could berevealed by the Toegye's 'Libal(理發)-theory'. From this point of view, the fundamental criticism that could be waged by the Toegye School was against Yulgok scholarship's gross misconception of perceiving 'Gi' as 'Li.' Scholars and commentators in the Toegye School severely disapproved of the possibility of ethical objectivism of Yulgok scholarship.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.37 no.3
• /
• pp.49-61
• /
• 2019

This study aims to examine the spatial recognition of the characters who visited Anuisamdong(安義三洞) in the past and left it in the literature. Thus, the school's relationship between people identified in the relevant literature was analyzed and the elements of landscape were extracted. The results were as follows; First, The figures who authored the literature on Anuisamdong were related to scholars living in Anuihyun(安義縣), along with the Yeongnam confucian genealogy. Starting with Jung, Yeo-Chang(鄭汝昌) in the 15th century, a relationship centered on Nammyeong School(南溟學派) in the 16th century was formed. At that time, people had toured the Anuisamdong regardless of the academic background. In the 17th century, Nammyeong School were in conflict with Toegye School(退溪學派), so Toegye School's influence had no record. In the 18th century, the proportion of Nammyeong School, Toegye School, and Kiho School(畿湖學派) appeared similar as they evolved into the Yeongnam School(嶺南學派). After the 19th century, the proportion of patriots who participated in the anti-Japanese movement was higher than that of schools. Second, The main places used in the literature related to Anuisamdongwere the order of Wonhakdong(猿鶴洞), Hwrimdong(花林洞) and Simjindong(尋眞洞). There are a total of 21 major elements used for the related literature, of which Suseungdae Rock(搜勝臺), Morijae House(某里齋), Nongwaljeong Pavilion(弄月亭), Sasundae Rock(四仙臺) and Cheoksuam Rock(滌愁巖) were the main subjects. Elements of Wonhakdong have been in the spotlight since the 16th century, focusing on Suseungdae Rock. Although the elements of Hwarimdong have been increasing gradually since the 18th century, the ratio of Simjindong to Wonhakdong and Hwarimdong was relatively small. Third, The relationship between the figures who visited the Anuisamdong and the spatial recognition of the Anuisamdong was divided into landscape awareness, emotional awareness and symbolic recognition. The Anuisamdong's scenic view is mostly identified by its description of the waterscape and topographical landscape, which people may have perceived as a scenic site centered on the valley view at the time. The mutual influence of Nammyeong School and Toegye School in the 16th and 17th centuries led to a scene in which the major figures of each school recognized pleasure as a culture of training, and a feeling of longing for the traces of past ancestors as the 18th century travel culture and the 19th century chaotic situation. In addition, the symbolic expression that usually appears is likely to have been recognized as a unworldly place, as the location of the immortal world is confirmed.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.54
• /
• pp.213-233
• /
• 2014

The present study examines Bangsanjib(舫山集, Collected Works of Bangsan) written by Heo Hun (許薰, pen name: Bangsan), a scholar of the late Joseon Dynasty. Chapter 2 reviews the author's life and his academic orientations against the backdrop of his times. Chapter 3 goes on to select some of his essays and analyze their contents and characteristics. In Chapter 2, Bangsan is portrayed as a hermit scholar who devoted his entire life to his scholarly achievements. Although he tried to develop his academic theories based on both the Geungi and Yeongnam Schools of Neo-Confucianism, the scholar was more inclined to the Geungi School. Chapter 3 analyzes Bangsan's essays in Classical Chinese with a focus on two themes: The first is the author's loyalty to the academic tradition of the Geungi School, which is demonstrated by his positivistic and pragmatic approach to philosophical issues. The second is his awareness of self-reliant national defense as is revealed by his assertion that Joseon should have knowledge, and provide education, on new weapons in order to be better equipped with such military equipment and become a powerful nation.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.36
• /
• pp.229-264
• /
• 2009

This paper aims for a study on the theory that mind is Li(principle). The method of research is laid emphasis on searching for the historical development of the perception Theory in late Cho-Sun. First of all, I investigated a meaning of the perception theories of Ho-Rak school, that were criticized in the Cho-Sun academic world. The next, I investigated the theory of Li-ju-Ki-ja that was raised by Yi Sang Jung. He thought that Li is supervisor and Ki is assistance. And he put a construction on the Perception Theories of Toegye school. Yi Jin sang's theory of perception is the result of criticism against Ho-Rak school, and a fresh and in-depth construction of Yi Sang Jung's perception theory. His viewpoint was contradiction to the theory of Sim si Ki(the theory that Mind is made of Ki). And he rediscovered the human conscience that was born endowed from Heaven.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.59
• /
• pp.343-370
• /
• 2018

Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) completed "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證") at the age of 72, and later had the argument over Runwuxingtongyilunzheng(人物性同異論爭) with his disciple, Lee Sik(李?). Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) had the position of Runwuxingyilun(人物性異論) and Lee Sik(李?) Runwuxingtonglun(人物性同論). Yet, the argument over Runwuxingtongyilunzheng(人物性同異論爭) had been forgotten and "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證") could be acknowledged because Toegye school(退溪學派) and Yulgok school(栗谷學派) were conflicting and criticizing each other's stance at that time. It seems like Lee Hyeon-Il(李玄逸)'s "Liqulishilunsiduanqiqingshubian"("栗谷李氏論四端七情書辨") had a great influence on the completion of "Siqibianzheng" ("四七辨證"). Lee Yi(李珥)'s thought of Siduan(四端) and Qiqing(七情) was 'the position of Hunlun(渾淪)' that 'Qiqing(七情) includes Siduan(四端)', and Lee Hwang(李滉) had the 'position of Fenkai(分開)' that Siduan(四端) and Qiqing(七情) should be interpreted differently. Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) criticized the stance of Hunlun(渾淪) from the position of Fenkai(分開). What did Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) try to pursue through "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證")? This fact tends to make us forget the controversy over Runwuxingtongyilunzheng(人物性同異論爭) between Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) and disciple Lee Sik(李?). Now we know the fact that Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) criticized Lee Yi(李珥) in "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證"), but don't care much about the fact that Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) caused the controversy over Runwuxingtongyilun(人物性同異論). Why "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證") has remained in our memory even though it was an important one? It might be because "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證") had an impact on Lee Sik(李?), Shin Hu-Dam(愼後聃), and even Jeong Yak-Yong(丁若鏞) in the process of summarizing the arguments over Siduanqiqinglunzheng(四端七情論爭) since Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) regardless of whether Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) had hoped it or not.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.50
• /
• pp.113-138
• /
• 2016

The purpose of this research is to establish the foundation for understanding the appearance of development, inheritance and acceptance of Toegye Yi Hwang(退溪李滉, 1501~1570)'s theory after his life by examining Udam Jeong Sihan(愚潭 丁時翰, 1625~1707)'s view on the Ido-seol(理到說), the Toegye's latter theory. After Toegye, Ido-seol was translated as 'The principle of matters reaches the human mind'. Galam Yi Hyunil(葛庵 李玄逸, 1627~1704), the contemporary scholar with Udam, criticized this translation for applying the directivity and motility to 'Li', the immovable principle. However, Udam agreed with the conventional interpretation of Ido-seol and understood it as the consilience of mind which got the entire principle(體) of 'Li(理)' and contained the application(用) of all things. He extended this concept as the level of 'sameness between objects and self [物我爲一]' based on his former theory, the exquisite interpretation of 'application of Li'. The meaning of 'sameness between objects and self[物我爲一]' is not amalgamation but applepie order of matter's principle in mind. The Udam's viewpoint is differ from Galam who tried to overcome the structural limit of Ido-seol by transforming 'Do(到)', the predicate of 'Ido(理到)', into 'Jin(盡)'. It means that he tried to interpret 'Ido(理到)' on the more essential aspect. His view can be the useful tool for understanding the Toegye's neo-Confucianism system with 'Li(理)' as central figure. It suggested that Udam's theory of the principle and the applecation of 'Li' can be the important theory to investigate the formation of Toegye schools' though and its development.

• Journal of architectural history
• /
• v.13 no.3
• /
• pp.85-95
• /
• 2004

Through 16-17th century, Neo-Confucianism was accepted and extended to Chosun Dynasty. The architecture of the Taegae school made buildings of Yongnam area rich by adding the regional characteristics based on Taegae's thought of architecture. The following is the architectural characteristics of the academic clique around Sangju. Transformation such as separation and combination of the Jeongsa space by function, lifted floor type reflecting local feature or high platform was appeared, and the architectural characteristics of the Taegae school, that is, a small scale, a moderate figure, a type of side-attached floor, landscape, were still maintained at the same time. The characteristics of the Taegae school and regional figure of Sangju were well joined. The upper class houses, Seodang, Jeongsa and Seowon, built by Confucianist had shared common Confucian characteristics in spite of their different purposes. The world view of the Confucianism such as sacrifice for sages, cultivation, devoting for study, teaching disciples, and education for villagers was revealed through the Confucian architecture including dwelling houses during the 16-17th century. Buildings of Confucianist were focused on the space for men. Seoae and Kyumam built two different Jeongsa's inside and outside of the boundary of the nakdong river. While Seodang and Jeongsa located outside of the boundary of the river were built excluding spaces for living, the function of the Jeongsa located inside of the boundary of the river was assimilated by Sarangcahe. However, both buildings kept the function for cultivation, devoting for study and teaching.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.33
• /
• pp.305-334
• /
• 2008

This paper is intended to present the philosophical thoughts of Yu Won-Ji who was one of famous scholars in The School of Toegye. He criticized Yi I(Yulgok) and Jang Hyeon-Gwang(Yeohyeon) because they regarded Li and Ch'i as one. Yi was considered an actual founder of their theoretical and political rival party called the School of Yulgok. Jang also refused to accept Toegye's theory and had developed his own theory, which emphasized the unity of Li(principle) and Ch'i(material force). Therefore Yu might well exclude Yi I(Yulgok) and Jang Hyeon-Gwang and criticize their theories severely. First, he was convinced that Toegye's doctrine(Li-Gi-Ho-Bal-Seol) was a orthodox theory accurately succeeding to Jhu Xi's learning. Secondly, he criticised Yi I(Yulgok) for looking upon Li and Ch'i as one thing. Thirdly, he regarded Jang's doctrine as same with Yulgok's. Fourthly, he thought it is necessary to criticize Jang's theory in order to preserve Toegye's learning and establish the theoretical identity of the Toegye School.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.35
• /
• pp.7-33
• /
• 2009

Oh Su-yeong (1521-1606) would be called 'Gyeomjung' with the pen name of 'Chundang' and 'Doam.' Since he was so good at calligraphy, he would also be one of the 'Seonseong Sampil (three great writers)' along with Geum Bo and Lee Suk-ryang. He wrote "Chundang Collection." So far, a study on him and his writing has been hardly conducted. This paper has investigated his life and companionship in order to restore his legacy that has disappeared in the history of Korean literature. This paper has briefly summarized his life and family line and examined his friendship with the students of Toegye Yi Hwang. In fact, most of his friends were the disciples of the great philosopher and Confucian scholar, which proves what he pursued throughout his life. In his poetry, many poems regarding moral standard in friendship are often found. A true humanity can be felt in them. In his sensitive poems on natural creatures can be sensed his wit and humor. After going through the vortex of war, he vividly described the reality of tragic war through his poems as well. A further study needs to be conducted on his poetry.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.32
• /
• pp.43-78
• /
• 2011

The two schools which eventually came to form the "Northerners party" in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty, were Nam'myeong school and Hwadam school. Nam'myeong's philosophy, which emphasized the importance and merit of acting upon respect and righteousness(敬義), encouraged many people to organize righteous militias during the war with the Japanese in the 1590s, and when Jeong In-hong established himself as the leader of the Northerners party during the reign of King Gwang'hae-gun, the philosophy of the party and the school continued to thrive. Also, Hwadam's philosophy, which tried to understand Neo-Confucianism from a flexible point of view and demonstrated a level of openness toward it, had a considerable influence upon the Northerners school as well. It seems Nam'myeong Jo Shik and Hwadam Seo Gyeong-deok were the ones who ultimately enabled the Northerners party to be more active in their operations of the government and also to approach more freely toward the ideology of Neo-Confucianism. Prime examples of the party's stance and attitude, and also of the school's philosophy and perception of the world, were figures like Jeong In-hong and Heo Gyun from the 'Majority Northerners(大北) party,' and Kim Shin-guk and Nam I-gong from the 'Minority Northerners(小北) party.'Since the time of King Injo's ascension to the throne in 1623, the philosophical society of Joseon came to be occupied by schools who were deeply committed and dedicated to the teachings of Ju Hi and his Neo-Confucianism, such as the Twe'gye and Yulgok schools, and as a result the Northerners' philosophy was pushed away from its former formidable status. Their political philosophy was also partially responsible for their fall, as they believed only them were the ideal Confucian figures(君子黨), and never appreciated the stances of other political factions. In the middle of the 17th century, passing through a war with the Manchurian Qing dynasty as well, they further became a mere undercurrent. Yet their thinking and philosophy partially survived, as it managed to affect and influence the Southerner school scholars who were living in the vicinity of the capital in the mid and late 17th century, as well as the "Shilhak" scholars such as Yi Ik/李瀷 in the 18th century, on a certain level. The Northerners faction was a party and a school which led the political and philosophical societies of Joseon, alongside the Westerners and Southerners, in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty. Recently, studies of Jo Shik and Seo Gyeong-deok, figures who were the roots of the Northerners faction, and studies of how the Northerners' political philosophy was inherited to the following generations, have been published and announced. All these efforts will enrich future studies dealing with the political history and philosophical history of the middle and latter periods of the Joseon dynasty.