• 분석과 대안
• /
• 제7권1호
• /
• pp.201-227
• /
• 2023

The purpose of this study is to examine how France became a representative country for far-right European populism, despite its tradition of tolerance. To achieve this goal, we examine, first, how the concept of tolerance developed in France after the 16th century. Through this process, we find that within the political system, the tolerance of the liberal tradition met with universalism, a republican value, and developed into an 'institutional tolerance' that allowed 'differences' from an authoritarian perspective rather than on an equal level. This 'assimilation' policy, reflecting a 'patriarchal' and 'oppressive' institutional tolerance, formed the keynote of the immigration policy of the 20th century, which continued until the 1980s, and shows that the French government did not take practical steps for the social integration of immigrant groups under the republican universal value that does not allow 'differences.' The government came up with an 'integration' immigration policy that embraces cultural 'differences' only after encountering problems with immigrant groups. However, this was not enough to calm the antipathy towards immigrants in French society and the discontent of immigrants in French society. Also, universalism, a republican value with deep roots in France, prevented the French immigration policy from escaping its assimilationist nature even in the 21st century. In the midst of this, far-right parties have gained power by promoting xenophobic sentiments centered on immigration problems. Finally, this study also looks at how far-right populism is currently changing the French political environment.

• 분석과 대안
• /
• 제7권1호
• /
• pp.171-200
• /
• 2023

This research aims to analyze the external activities of local governments in South Korea from the perspective of the developing trends in city diplomacy, contrary to the conventional and narrow concept regarding local government's international exchange and cooperation as a public diplomacy. In detail, this research intends to illustrate the following: first, to differentiate South Korean local governments' growing commitment to international affairs from public diplomacy; second, to highlight the integration of public diplomacy with other forms of diplomacy within the framework of city diplomacy. This research argues that city diplomacy in South Korea has gradually shown the following three trends and characteristics. First, South Korean local governments have recognized the importance of participating in multilateral diplomacy via city networks to find compelling solutions to non-traditional and transnational security threats. They perceive this external activity as an opportunity for policy sharing and problem-solving with foreign partners. Second, local governments in South Korea have been fostering various ways to institutionalize their involvement in foreign affairs and organizations, such as amendments to related laws and the launching of task forces, to pursue so-called sustainable and systematic international exchange and cooperation. Lastly, South Korean local governments have constructed multiple channels and multilevel governance in the form of public-private partnerships to enhance policy expertise and cope with diverse agendas.

• 분석과 대안
• /
• 제2권1호
• /
• pp.71-106
• /
• 2018

The 19th CPC National Congress has a key historical significance in the development of China's constitution. It will also play a decisive role in the history of the seventy years'constitutional change in New China. XiJinping's new socialist thought with Chinese characteristics established in the report of 19th CPC National Congress will be written in the preface of the March 2018 National People's Congress's constitutional amendment. The fifth revision of 1982 Constitution will touch on many issues such as the leadership of the CPC into the constitution, the abolition of the tenure of the president, the constitutional oath system, and the reform of the national supervisory system. In addition, the constitutionality review system, the establishment of the National Security Council, the constitutional status of socialist public property and private property and the adjustment of major economic system has become a hot topic in the theory field. In the history node towards a socialist country ruled by law, the theory and practice of the China indeed have the academic ideas, value position and path model differences, which will delay the Chinese constitutional development, but also is the necessary pain in the process of moving towards the rule of law in China. Indeed, how to the development and where to go in the future of Chinese constitutionalism itself has sample value, which deserves rational attention and in-depth inquiry from Chinese and Western academics.

• 분석과 대안
• /
• 제3권1호
• /
• pp.5-28
• /
• 2019

This study suggests that Korea - Russia economic cooperation, which has been sluggish in the meantime, should be revitalized as a small, medium sized business that can be practiced at the local level of both countries. Some large scales of national projects were difficult to realize due to some internal and external factors. Therefore, if Russia's Far East region of the complementary economic structure with the Korea's Gyeonggi Province of Korea could form the basis of cooperation by centering on SMEs, it further can be positive for promoting cooperation among South Korea, North Korea and Russia. The trilateral cooperation among two Koreas and Russia is necessary for the balance of political and economic powers in the East Asia. China's retaliation case regarding THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) clearly showed that the greater the economic dependence on a particular country, the more threatening it could be. Therefore, it is important for the political and economic security to keep the balance by diversifying economic cooperation counterparts. As China's influence in the global economy grows, building value chains for mutual prosperity with various neighboring countries is gaining great importance. To this end, this paper examined Russia's Eurasian Strategy, New East Policy, and Far East Development Policy which were designed to seek the way to establish Russia's independent economic zone not absorbed by Europe and China.

• 분석과 대안
• /
• 제2권1호
• /
• pp.107-125
• /
• 2018

This paper aims to elucidate the historical significance and issues about DPRK-Japan relations in terms of the Korean Peninsula-Japan relations. The first issue is the 'Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea', and DPRK-Japan relations during the Cold War. The Relations Order between the Korean Peninsula and Japan, of 1965 ("65 Order), was closely linked with inter-Korean relations. The second issue is a critical re-interpretation of previous studies on the Stockholm agreement. Previous studies have focused on analyzing the question "Why did North Korea and Japan agree to Stockholm?", In other words, what was the intention of North Korea and Japan in Stockholm? This paper adds to raise the question of "How Did the Stockholm can be agreed?", to critically review the analysis performed by the previous studies. Through the analysis of this question, this paper reveals that the relationship between North Korea and Japan is on the qualitative change. And, based on this analysis, this paper argue that the South Korean government should attempt more active engagement and deploy more comprehensive approach to improve the relationship between North Korea and Japan.

• 분석과 대안
• /
• 제3권1호
• /
• pp.63-92
• /
• 2019

What motivates split-ticket voting in mixed electoral systems, where voters choose one party in district races and another party on the party list ballot? While much of the literature assumes strategic intent, three aspects commonly are overlooked: the competitiveness of district races, the presence of a district candidate from one's preferred party, and whether voters know the electoral threshold for party list seats. Furthermore, few studies disaggregate types of split-ticket voting (e.g. not voting for one's preferred party in a district vs. party list). Taiwan provides an intriguing case study for analysis, not only as a relatively new adopter of a mixed system, but also the presence of additional conditions that would encourage at least the consideration of a split ticket. Using survey data from the Taiwan's Election and Democratization Studies (TEDS) after the Taiwan's 2016 Legislative Yuan election, this analysis finds that knowing the threshold, the winner's margin, and the placement of a district candidate from one's preferred party all influence split-ticket voting among those with a partisan preference. However, closer inspection identifies a distinction between defecting from the district versus the party list. Evidence shows that district competitiveness and candidate placement influences defection from the district candidate, while the electoral threshold influences defection from the party list. The results add to our understanding of strategic and non-strategic incentives in mixed systems.

• 분석과 대안
• /
• 제3권2호
• /
• pp.33-57
• /
• 2019

After the tragic incident of the sinking of Sewol in spring 2014, Korean migrants in Britain began to hold street protests in London. These protestors condemned the Korean government for the lack of appropriate responses to the accident, and for its failure to conduct proper investigation on the issue. The small group of protestors held silent street protests every month at Trafalgar Square, despite not gaining much media coverage nor public attention. These migrants' almost three-year long protest outside their homeland is puzzling. Not only did they live in Britain for a long time to the extent that they regard the country as their second home, but they also exert scant amount of influence on the political landscape in South Korea. What can then account for these individuals' participation in activism related to their homeland politics? In this paper, we utilize the concept of 'moral identity' to explain the behaviors of Korean migrants involved in the street protests. These migrants had strong 'moral identity', which triggered a sense of responsibility to act when their cherished moral values were jeopardized. Korean migrants who possessed a strong sense of moral identity placed huge importance on living in accordance with their moral values. It is a way of upholding their self-esteem and sustaining their ideal self.

• 분석과 대안
• /
• 제8권1호
• /
• pp.5-31
• /
• 2024

The US-led and European partners supporting liberal international order has dwindled. A number of research has been conducted to explore reasons, starting point, the possibility of resurrection, and even the future scenarios of the international order. This is particularly important for the EU, in that the EU was built for a world that is peaceful, multilateral and driven by compromise inseparable from the liberal international order. The current situation of the crisis in the international order is also important to emerging powers notably China and Russia which seek for a new order best suitable for their own interests. In this sense, this paper explains the significance of the liberal international order to the EU, the necessity of salvaging an order or creating a new order, and important variables - elections held in 2024 across the EU, in the European Parliament, and the US, Russia's invasion of Ukraine, trans-atlantic partnership and EU-China relations - which possibly affect the EU to establish a new European order. In fact, the EU is unlikely to take the lead in forming a new international order. Nonetheless, the first task the EU should do is to acknowledge the crisis situation at present and to make a decision of the EU's position and role regarding saved, reformed or newly shaped order.

• 분석과 대안
• /
• 제8권2호
• /
• pp.5-30
• /
• 2024

The purpose of this paper is to study the concept of public interest in broadcasting, which has been approached only from a policy or legislative perspective in Korea, through analysis of the program content itself. To this end, this study focuses on French broadcasting, which has a long history of public service, has learned the concept of 'public interest' during its long growth process, and has specifically put this concept into practice through program production. Analysis of French TV programs that have been broadcast over the past 10 years categorizes the concept of public interest that French broadcasting has embodied into the following three categories. The first is the characteristic of 'freedom of speech: 'participation' and 'generality' in the public sphere' shown by discussion programs or talk shows. The second is the characteristic of 'transmission of cultural identity', which is shown even in entertainment programs. The third is the characteristic of 'social capital: spreading the value of social solidarity' shown in documentary or discussion programs. In addition, we examine how French broadcasting is implementing public interest at a time when digital media such as YouTube or Instagram are becoming the center of the media environment, and a digital public social media called 'Culture Prime' created by public institutions.

• 통상정보연구
• /
• 제14권3호
• /
• pp.75-96
• /
• 2012

2050년경 중국이 21세기의 글로벌 가버넌스를 바꾸게 될 전망이다. 중국의 부상은 다른 개도국들에게 중국식 발전모델을 제공할 것으로 예측된다. 중국의 '평화적 부상'전략에는 긍정적 요소와 장애적 요소가 동시에 존재한다. 중국부상의 긍정적 요인으로는 개혁개방 정책의 성공과 경제적 상호의존의 심화로 구축된 중국경제의 세계화, 공산당의 통치 이데올로기 수정과 문화 민족주의의 적절한 이용으로 달성된 중국정권의 안정성, 그리고 유교사상의 활용과 인적자본의 강화를 기반으로 한 소프트 파워의 제고를 들 수 있다. 중국의 대국부상은 동아시아에서의 강대국 지위를 회복하는 것으로 시작된다. 중국에게 동아시아는 지속적 성장을 담보하는 생존권역(lebensraum)이다. 이를 위해 지역 경제협력의 제도화에 관심을 보이고 있다. ASEAN이 추구하는 동아시아 공동체의 핵심가치는 상호존중, 공동번영과 평등주의, 조화로운 공존을 추구하는 다원주의(pluralism)인데 중국의 정책인 조화로운 세계, 평화공존과 가치관이 일치함을 알 수 있다. 이 공통된 가치를 통해서 동아시아 지역의 긴장해소를 달성할 수 있을 것이다. 경제적인 성공과 소프트 파워를 앞세운 지역패권 전략으로 과거의 영광스러운 지위를 되찾으려 할 것이다. "동아시아에 근거를 두고 세계로 나아간다"는 동아시아 전략의 성공을 기반으로 세계규칙의 조정자가 될 수 있을 것이다. 한국을 비롯한 주변국은 중국의 '평화적 부상'전략의 최대 수혜국이 될 것이다. 중국의 부상이 주변국, 특히 우리나라에 미치는 영향은 심대한데, 현재보다 상품 이동, 노동력 이동과 양국간 자본이동의 규모가 훨씬 더 커져 육상, 해상에서 국경을 마주하고 있는 우리나라와 중국은 지역무역협정 체결으로 상호의존도가 높아질 것이다.