• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.53-75
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• 2016

This article presents a descriptive analysis on national security policy platforms promoted by the ruling parties of South Korea during general and presidential elections. National security platforms made during the elections campaigns are a window that allows us to see how the ruling party perceives the threat environment, opportunity-structures, policy preferences and material capabilities faced by the state. South Korea presents a unique case since it faces constant military threats from North Korea and interacts with China and the United States. Therefore, the national security policy platforms, which are explicitly campaigned during the general and presidential elections, showcases the worldview of the ruling party. The study essentially focuses on three areas of the platforms - its threat perception on North Korea, the ROK-US alliance and the future vision for the Korean peninsula by covering two presidential elections and three general elections for the last 20 years.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.171-202
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• 2018

Issue ownership concerns a party's issue handling reputation. When a party is perceived to have the best solution for an issue, voters identify the party as the owner of the issue. Extant literature of issue ownership voting shows that voters tend to vote for a party that they identify as the owner of an issue they concern most. That is, the effect of issue ownership on voting is conditioned by the perceived salience of the issue in question. This study investigates another condition of issue ownership voting: i.e. party behavior in election campaigns. It argues that the effect of issue ownership on voting is conditional: it depends on party behavior as well as issue salience. During the campaign in the 2016 legislative election, only the Democratic Party of Korea, the opposition party at that time, actively presented itself as the owner of economic issues. The analysis results of this study show that the identification of the Democratic Party as the economic issue owner affects voting for the party when a voter thinks the economy to be the most important issue. However, the identification of the other parties as the economic issue owner does not affect voting for them under the same condition. The results support the argument that party behavior as well as issue salience are conditions of issue ownership voting.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.53-82
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• 2018

The $14^{th}$ general election which should be held by August 2018 has been a dominant factor for Malaysian politics, economy, social changes and foreign policy in 2017. UMNO, the dominant party within the ruling governmental coalition, has focused on securing Malay support, voters which made them to sought political cooperation with PAS, Malaysia's Islamist opposition party. A consequent event followed by the strategic ties between the two parties is the rise of political Islam in Malaysia though PAS' 'Islamization' or 'desecularization' has never been adopted by UMNO. The rise of political Islam and Malay support have become the most important factor for the next election, which increasingly enhanced the role of 3R of Malaysia politics; Race, Religion, and Royalty. The Pakatan Harapan (PH), the newly formed opposition coalition without PAS, has elected Mahathir Mohamad, the former Prime Minister, as its candidate for prime minister. Malaysian economy and foreign policy seem to be subordinated to politics. Stabilizing ringgit and restoring economic growth enabled the Najib's government to reveal 'election budget' for 2018. Najib has spoken out Islam-related international issues including the Rohingya crisis and Jerusalem issue. It is to some extent the extension of domestic politics. The rise of political Islam will be a highly influential not only in the coming election but in the political and social development in the aftermath of the election.

• 주택과사람들
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• no.6 s.217
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• pp.32-32
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• 2008

지난 4월 총선 당시 유권자들의 주요한 선택 기준이 되었던 뉴타운 추가 지정 문제를 두고 논란이 계속됐다. 게다가 분양가 상한제 적용 아파트가 본격적으로 시장에 나옴에 따라 품질과 가격의 딜레마 역시 화두가 되고 있다. 이런 가운데 강북의 집값 상승은 지난달에도 기세가 꺾이지 않았다. 지난 5월 동안 화제를 모은 부동산 주요 이슈들을 살펴보았다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.12 no.8
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• pp.157-166
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• 2012

At the recent 19th General Election, Korean papers waged a surrogate war for the parties they share ideology with. All the conventional practices remained the same - the horse race-like presentations, furthering of confrontations, disregarding policy issues, allocating larger space for commentaries and negative issues, and etc. On top of these, papers began to focus on generational conflicts and individuals at the center of widespread attention and controversies, as a new trend. Photo images are largely used in the commentaries and articles dealing with confrontational or controversial situations. Of course, while the visual images seem to reinforce the emotional appeal of the messages papers try to get across, the potential problems need be noticed that could rise when irrelevant images are used.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.45-87
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• 2014

This study traces the possibility of political change in the Malaysian electoral history, especially by focusing on the 13th general election held in May 2013. The results of the 13th general election was another turning point in the history of Malaysia's electoral politics. Following after the 12th general election held in 2008, opposition coalition(PR) achieves a remarkable electoral result by obtaining over 50% of the total votes. Opposition parties also successfully collapsed the ruling coalition(BN)'s two-third majority in parliamentary. It was de-facto defeat of the ruling coalition and victory of the opposition coalition. More precisely, the 2013 election results show that the reformasi movement, which was active in 1998-99 period, are still alive and its impact on Malaysian electoral politics get stronger. Malaysia has long been considered as a typical electoral authoritarian regime since its independence in 1957. It is because that there has been negative relations between electoral politics and political change through out its electoral history. As shown in the most recent two general elections held in 2008 and 2013, however, Malaysia's hegemonic political system can be possibly changed through electoral politics. This article examines the detailed results of the series of post-reformarsi general elections(1999, 2004, 2008, 2013) and its political implications towards the nexus of electoral politics and political change under the electoral authoritarian regime in Malaysia.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.9
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• pp.208-223
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• 2020

In the 21st general election held in April 15, 2020, the importance of social media as an election campaigning tool became more prominent when engaged with Corona 19. Therefore, in this study, various studies were conducted to establish SNS strategy as an election campaign tool. This study analyzed the contents of SNS (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube) activities as an election campaign tool to analyze messages on social media messages of candidates Lee Nak-yeon and candidate Hwang Kyo-an of Jongno-gu, Seoul during the 2020 21st National Assembly election. Data collection mainly analyzed posts from each candidate's official account, and the research method used text analysis using the R program. Word cloud, comparative analysis, q-graph analysis, LDA, and STM analysis were used during text analysis. In addition, the analysis result was confirmed to be statistically significant through correlation analysis. As a result of research, candidate Lee Nak-yeon's election includes corona, people, problems, crisis, suffering, and wisdom, which indicates that the crisis caused by corona must be overcome through any means possible. On the other hand, candidate Hwang Kyo-an's election includes Moon Jae-in, the regime, save, the fatherland, the judge, and the economy. And from the perspective of political publicity, candidate Lee Nak-yeon made a lot of acclaims, while candidate Hwang Kyo-an made a lot of attacks, and both themes emphasized the policy rather than the image.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.3-24
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• 2019

This study examined the trends and issues of social media campaign studies from three aspects-campaign strategy, institutional environment regulating the social media, and political effect. Then, this study performed an empirical analysis on the case of the 20th general election in order to discuss the political effect, which has been analyzed the least. Specifically, this study empirically examined the trends of candidates' participation in the twitter campaign, the partial mobilization and voter response, and the platform effect on the election results. The study examined all of the candidates' twitter accounts and traffic and found the following results.-first, the number of participants in the twitter campaign increased significantly compared to the 19th general election, and the campaign was dominated by only two political parties that had more power to mobilize resources; second, it was clearly identified that twitter is a partisan media. where specifically, those in the mainstream of the Democratic Party mobilized much more supporters; and lastly, the twitter campaign has a positive impact on the increase in the rate of votes and chances of winning the election. Particularly, the number of followers and the duration of activities were found statistically meaningful, proving that promotion of networking and social capital is more important in election campaigns.

• 월간 기계설비
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• s.323
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• pp.78-81
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• 2017

5월은 유난히 기념일이 많은 달이었습니다. 올해는 대통령 탄핵으로 치러진 조기대선으로 인해 공기업, 공공기관, 대기업 등 투표일이 휴일로 지정된 사업장에서는 월요일 연차휴가를 내고 연휴를 즐기는 근로자들도 많았습니다. 그러나 주의 사업장 등을 보면 총선이나 대통령 선거 등 선거일에도 정상적으로 영업하고, 대기업에 제품을 납품하는 협력업체의 경우 선거일에도 정상적으로 근로하는 경우도 많았습니다. 선거일 근무는 위법할까요? 백화점, 병원, 식당 등 대통령선거 및 국회의원 선거일에도 정상적으로 영업을 하는 사업장에 근무하는 근로자들은 선거일에 근무하면 휴일근로수당이 발생할까요? 투표일이 휴일이 아니라면 피선거권을 보장해 주어야 하는 기업들은 어떻게 해야 할까요? 선거 때가 되면 항상 포털 사이트 상담란에 빈번하게 올라오는 질의인데요. 이번호에서는 선거일이 휴일인지 여부에 대해 살펴보고자 합니다.

• 전기의세계
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• v.26 no.5
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• pp.18-27
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• 1977

1952년 초고압 276kV계통이 운전된 이래 약 20년, 이 사이에 전력수요의 증가는 현저하였고, 설치된 변압기의 용량도 증대일로에 있었다. 1973년 5월에는 일본에서 최초의 500kV 방총선이 운전을 개시하고, 신기술의 결집에 의한 500kV변압기의 제작도 백석이하에 이르렀다. 그러나 동년말의 석유파동이래, 전기수요의 신장은 저조하게 되고, 변압기의 생산저하는 현저하여 변압기업계는 대단한 위기에 처하게 되었다. 금후, 기술의 향상은 물론, 일본경제의 조속한 회복과 성장을 기대하며, 안정성장하에 대처함이 중대한 과제이다. 이하, 주로 전력용변압기를 중심으로 특수양상의 기기 및 Reacto등을 약간 곁드리면서 변압기의 현상과 장래에 대하여 언급하기로 한다.