• Title/Summary/Keyword: 초가

Search Result 10,743, Processing Time 0.039 seconds

Formative Stages of Establishing Royal Tombs Steles and Kings' Calligraphic Tombstones in Joseon Dynasty (조선시대 능비(陵碑)의 건립과 어필비(御筆碑)의 등장)

  • Hwang, Jung Yon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
    • /
    • v.42 no.4
    • /
    • pp.20-49
    • /
    • 2009
  • This paper explores the Korean royal tombs steles such as monumental steles and tombstone marks (神道碑, 表石) that are broadly fallen into the following three periods ; the 15~16th centuries, 17th~18th centuries, and 19th century. As a result, the royal tombs steles were built, unlike the private custom, on the heirs to the King's intentions. During the 15~17th centuries the construction and reconstruction of the monumental steles took place. In the late Joseon period, monumental steles had been replaced with a number of tombstone marks were built to appeal to the king's calligraphy carved on stone for the first time. During the Great Empire Han(大韓帝國) when the Joseon state was upgraded the empire, Emperors Gojong and Sunjong devoted to honor ancestors by rebuilding royal tombstone mark. Based on these periodical trends, it would not be exaggerated that the history of establishing the royal tombs steles formed in late Joseon. The type of royal tombs monuments originated from those of the Three Kingdoms era, a shapeless form, the new stele type of the Tang Dynasty (唐碑) has influenced on the building of monuments of the Unified Silla and Buddhist honorable monuments (塔碑) of the Goryeo Dynasty. From the 15th century, successive kings have wished to express the predecessors's achievements, nevertheless, the officials opposed it because the affairs of the King legacy (國史) were all recorded, so there is no need to establish the tombs steles. Although its lack of quantity, each Heonneung and Jereung monumental steles rebuilt in 1695 and 1744 respectively, is valuable to show the royal sculpture of the late Joseon period. Since the 15th century, the construction of the royal tombs monumental steles has been interrupted, the tombstone marks (boulders) with simpler format began to be erected within the tomb precincts. The Yeoneung tombstone mark(寧陵表石), built in 1682, shows the first magnificent scale and delicate sculpture technique. Many tombstone marks were erected since the 1740s on a large scale, largely caused by King Yeongjo's announce to the honorific business for the predecessors. Thanks to King Yeongjo's such appealing effort, over 20 pieces of tombstone marks were established during his reign. The fact that his handwritten calligraphic works first carved on tombstones was a remarkable phenomenon had never been appeared before. Since the 18th century, a double-slab high above the roof(加?石) and rectangular basement of the stele have been accepted as a typical format of the tombstone marks. In front of the stele, generally seal script calligraphic works after a Tang dynasty calligrapher Li Yangbing(李陽氷)'s brushwork were engraved. In 1897 when King Gojong declared the Empire, these tombstone marks were once again produced in large amounts. Because he tried to find the legitimacy of the Empire in the history of the Joseon dynasty and its four founding fathers in creating the monuments both of the front and back sides by carving his in-person-calligraphy as a ruler representing his symbolic authority. The tombstone marks made during this period, show an abstract sculpture features with the awkward techniques, and long and slim strokes. As mentioned above, the construction of monumental steles and tombstone marks is a historical and remarkable phenonenon to reveal the royal funeral custom, sculpture techniques, and successive kings' efforts to honor the royal predecessors.

An Study on Cognition and Investigation of Silla Tumuli in the Japanese Imperialistic Rule (일제강점기의 신라고분조사연구에 대한 검토)

  • Cha, Soon Chul
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
    • /
    • v.39
    • /
    • pp.95-130
    • /
    • 2006
  • Japanese government college researchers, including Sekino Tadashi(關野貞), have conducted research studies and collected data, on overall Korean cultural relics as well as Silla tumuli(新羅古墳) in the early modern times under the Japanese imperialistic rule. They were supported by the Meichi government in the early stage of research, by the Chosun government-general, and by their related organizations after Korea was coIonialized to carry out investigations on Korean antiquities, fine arts, architecture, anthropology, folklore, and so on. The objective for which they prosecuted inquiries into Korean cultural relics, including Silla tumuli, may be attributed to the purport to find out such data as needed for the theoretical foundation to justify their colonialization of Korea. Such a reason often showed locally biased or distorted views. Investigations and surveys had been incessantly carried out by those Japanese scholars who took a keen interest in Korean tumuli and excavated relics since 1886. 'Korea Architecture Survey Reports' conducted in 1904 by Sekino in Korea gives a brief introduction of the contents of Korean tumuli, including the Five Royal Mausoleums(五陵). And in 1906 Imanishi Ryu(今西龍) launched for the first time an excavation survey on Buksan Tumulus(北山古墳) in Sogeumgangsan(小金剛山) and on 'Namchong(南塚)' in Hwangnam-dong, which greatly contributed to the foundation of a basic understanding of Wooden chamber tombs with stone mound(積石木槨墳) and stone chambers with tunnel entrance(橫穴式石室墳). The ground plan and cross section of stone chambers made in 1909 at his excavation survey of seokchimchong(石枕塚) by Yazui Seiyichi(谷井第一) who majored in architecture made a drawing in excavation surveys for the first time in Korea, in which numerical expressions are sharply distinguished from the previous sketched ones. And even in the following excavation surveys this kind of drawing continued. Imanishi and Yazui elucidated that wooden chambers with stone mound chronologically differs from the stone chambers with tunnel entrance on the basis of the results of surveys of the locational characteristics of Silla tumuli, the forms and size of tomb entrance, excavated relics, and so forth. The government-general put in force 'the Historic Spots and Relics Preservation Rules' and 'the Historic Spots Survey Council Regulations' in 1916, establishing 'Historic Spots Survey Council and Museum Conference. When museums initiated their activities, they exhibited those relics excavated from tumuli and conducted surveys of relics with the permission of the Chosun government-general. A gold crown tomb(金冠塚) was excavated and surveyed in 1921 and a seobong tomb(瑞鳳塚) in 1927. Concomitantly with this large size wooden chamber tombs with stone mound attracted strong public attention. Furthermore, a variety of surveys of spots throughout the country were carried out but publication of tumuli had not yet been realized. Recently some researchers's endeavors led to publish unpublished reports. However, the reason why reports of such significant tumuli as seobong tomb had not yet been published may be ascribed to the critical point in those days. The Gyeongju Tumuli Distribution Chart made by Nomori Ken(野守健) on the basis of the land register in the late 1920s seems of much significance in that it specifies the size and locations of 155 tumuli and shows the overall shape of tumuli groups within the city, as used in today's distribution chart. In the 1930s Arimitsu Kyoichi(有光敎一) and Saito Tadashi(齋藤忠) identified through excavation surveys of many wooden chamber tombs with stone mound and stone chambers with tunnel entrance, that there were several forms of tombs in a tomb system. In particular, his excavation survey experience of those wooden chamber tombs with stone mound which were exposed in complicated and overlapped forms show features more developed than that of preceding excavation surveys and reports publication, and so on. The result of having reviewed the contents of many historic spots surveyed at that time. Therefore this reexamination is considered to be a significant project in arranging the history of archaeology in Korea.

A Study on Heo Gyun's 'Clean(Cheong: 淸)' Kind Style Examined through Style Terminologies in Seongsushihwa(『惺叟詩話』) (『성수시화(惺叟詩話)』 속 풍격(風格) 용어(用語)를 통해 본 허균(許筠)의 '청(淸)'계열(系列) 풍격(風格) 연구(硏究) - 청경(淸勁)'·'청절(淸切)'·'청초(淸楚)'·'청월(淸越)'을 중심으로 -)

  • Yoon, Jaehwan
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
    • /
    • no.63
    • /
    • pp.9-41
    • /
    • 2016
  • This paper focuses on 'clean(cheong: 淸)' kinds of style terminologies among various style terminologies appearing in Heo Gyun's Seongsushihwa("惺?詩話") and tries to analyze the distinctive points which 'clean(cheong: 淸)' kinds of style terminologies include. In Heo Gyun's Seongsushihwa, 11 of 'clean' kinds of style terminologies, such as "cheonggyeong(淸勁), cheonghryang(淸亮), cheongryeo(淸麗), cheongseom(淸贍), cheongso(淸?), cheongweol(淸越), cheongjang(淸壯), cheongjeol(淸絶), cheongjeol(淸切), cheongchang(淸?), cheongcho(淸楚)," were used. This paper focuses and analyzes 'cheonggyeong(淸勁)', 'cheongjeol(淸切)', 'cheongcho(淸楚)', and 'cheongweol(淸越)' that he suggested through applying to real literary pieces. The result of analysis indicates that 'clean' kinds of style terminologies 'cheonggyeong', 'cheongjeol', 'cheongcho', and 'cheongweol' share the same 1st character 'clean(淸)', yet have distinctive qualities by the 2nd characters. These 4 style terminologies all share 'cheong(淸)' image which means clear and clean, yet each one has the attribute of the 2nd character that indicates each one's individual characteristic. It is apparent that 'Cheonggyeong(淸勁)' reflects the 'gyeong(勁)' image meaning upright and solid and implies poems of poets' steadfast spirit within clear boundary; 'cheongjeol(淸切)' reflects the 'jeol(切)' image meaning either desperation and imminence or pitifulness and sorrow and implies poems of poets' urgent and pitiful emotions within clear and clean boundary; 'cheongcho(淸楚)' reflects the 'cho(楚)' image meaning either delicacy and fineness or slenderness and tenderness and implies poems of poets' beautiful but not luxurious, delicate and tender emotions within clear and clean boundary; and 'cheongweol(淸越)' reflects the image of 'weol(越)' meaning unworldliness and excellency and implies poems, within clear and clean boundary, of excellent appearance and mentality surpassing mundane world. Compared with the 1st character's attributes of the style terminologies which Heo Gyun used, the 2nd characters's attributes do not appear that vivid. Especially, in the case that the 2nd characters have similar meanings, it is not easy to clarify the categories. Indeed, in order to grasp clear and distinctive qualities of style terminologies, the kinds of them need to be initially categorized by the 1st characters, and then sorted by the 2nd characters. In this case, the contents which the 2nd characters of style terminologies indicate should be considered. It is because style terminologies explain both literary pieces' aesthetic qualities and writers' personalities, and because explanations about literary pieces' aesthetic qualities includes not only the conclusive poetic or semantic boundaries which literary pieces' created but also literary pieces' creation processes and expression techniques. Through the style terminologies with Heo Gyun used in Seongsushihwa, it can be aware that he evaluated poems focussing more on the conclusive semantic boundaries that poets' spirits and poems created than expression techniques or creation methods. The overall aspects Heo Gyun's such style criticism has will be checked out in more detail through further studies by examining more materials.

Tosa Mitsuyoshi's Screen Paintings Gathering on the Year's First "Day of the Rat" and Boating on the Oi River from the National Museum of Korea (국립중앙박물관 소장 도사 미쓰요시(土佐光芳) 필(筆) <무라사키노 자일 놀이(紫野子日遊圖)·오이강 유람도 병풍(大井川遊覽圖屛風)> 시론)

  • Jung, Miyeon
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
    • /
    • v.98
    • /
    • pp.176-199
    • /
    • 2020
  • In 2018, the National Museum of Korea purchased a pair of Japanese folding screens, respectively entitled Gathering on the Year's First "Day of the Rat" and Boating on the Oi River. Both of these two screens (hereinafter collectively referred to as the "NMK edition") have a gold background that bears the seal and ink inscription of Tosa Mitsuyoshi (1700-1772), who served as edokoro azukari, a painter in the court of Kyoto. According to the seller in New York, the screens were brought from Japan to the United States in the early twentieth century, but no other details are known. Each folding screen has six panels. The screen on the right (i.e., Gathering…) depicts "nenohi no asobi," an annual event conducted on the first "day of the rat" (according to the Asian zodiacal calendar), wherein the Kyoto imperial court ventured to the woods to gather pine seedlings. The left screen (i.e., Boating…) shows three boats traveling down the Oi River in Kyoto, representing the ritual known as "mifune" (literally, "three boats"), which involves three boats representing Chinese classical poetry (kansi), Japanese classical poetry (waka), and Japanese imperial music and dance (gagaku). Notably, these two screens are identical in theme and iconography to two screens with the same respective titles that were commissioned by Emperor Komei (1831-1867) and painted by Ukita Ikkei (1795-1859), an artist of the Yamato-e Revivalist School (fukko yamato-e), now in the collection of Sennyu-ji Temple in Kyoto (hereinafter collectively referred to as the "Sennyu edition"). While both of these themes have been painted independently numerous times, the NMK edition and Sennyu edition are the only known cases of the themes being painted as a single set. According to Diary of Official Business Between the Court and Shogunate (the journal of a court official named Hirohashi Kanetane, 1715-1781), Tosa Mitsuyoshi was commissioned in 1760 to replace the fusuma (rectangular sliding panels) of Tsunegoten, one of the buildings of the Kyoto Imperial Palace, which had been built in 1709. Notably, records show that Tsunegoten once contained a series of fusuma painted by an artist of the Kano school on the themes "Outdoor Procession on a Spring Day" and "Three Boats Cruising on the Oi River." Hence, it seems probable that Tosa Mitsuyoshi was influenced by the theme and iconography of the existing fusuma in producing his own folding screens depicting the court's visit to the forest and a cruise on the Oi River. While the practice of collecting pine seedlings on the first "rat day" of the year was an auspicious event to pray for longevity, the mifune ritual was intended to honor the greatest talents of the three aforementioned arts, which were of crucial importance to the court of Kyoto. Folding screens with such auspicious themes were commonly featured at the ceremony to enthrone the emperor or empress. Significantly, the Diary of Official Business Between the Court and Shogunate also records that Tosa Mitsuyoshi, while working as a court artist, produced two pairs of folding screens for the coronation of Empress Go Sakuramachi (1762-1771), which was held in 1763. Hence, research suggests that the NMK edition is one of the pairs of royal folding screens produced at that time.

King Sejo's Establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple and Its Semantics (세조의 원각사13층석탑 건립과 그 의미체계)

  • Nam, Dongsin
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
    • /
    • v.101
    • /
    • pp.12-46
    • /
    • 2022
  • Completed in 1467, the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple is the last Buddhist pagoda erected at the center of the capital (present-day Seoul) of the Joseon Dynasty. It was commissioned by King Sejo, the final Korean king to favor Buddhism. In this paper, I aim to examine King Sejo's intentions behind celebrating the tenth anniversary of his enthronement with the construction of the thirteen-story stone pagoda in the central area of the capital and the enshrinement of sarira from Shakyamuni Buddha and the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經). This paper provides a summary of this examination and suggests future research directions. The second chapter of the paper discusses the scriptural background for thirteen-story stone pagodas from multiple perspectives. I was the first to specify the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra (大般涅槃經後分) as the most direct and fundamental scripture for the erection of a thirteen-story stone pagoda. I also found that this sutra was translated in Central Java in the latter half of the seventh century and was then circulated in East Asia. Moreover, I focused on the so-called Kanishka-style stupa as the origin of thirteen-story stone pagodas and provided an overview of thirteen-story stone pagodas built around East Asia, including in Korea. In addition, by consulting Buddhist references, I prove that the thirteen stories symbolize the stages of the practice of asceticism towards enlightenment. In this regard, the number thirteen can be viewed as a special and sacred number to Buddhist devotees. The third chapter explores the Buddhist background of King Sejo's establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple. I studied both the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms (翻譯名義集) (which King Sejo personally purchased in China and published for the first time in Korea) and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. King Sejo involved himself in the first translation of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment into Korean. The Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms was published in the fourteenth century as a type of Buddhist glossary. King Sejo is presumed to have been introduced to the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra, the fundamental scripture regarding thirteen-story pagodas, through the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms, when he was set to erect a pagoda at Wongaksa Temple. King Sejo also enshrined the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment inside the Wongaksa pagoda as a scripture representing the entire Tripitaka. This enshrined sutra appears to be the vernacular version for which King Sejo participated in the first Korean translation. Furthermore, I assert that the original text of the vernacular version is the Abridged Commentary on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經略疏) by Zongmi (宗密, 780-841), different from what has been previously believed. The final chapter of the paper elucidates the political semantics of the establishment of the Wongaksa pagoda by comparing and examining stone pagodas erected at neungsa (陵寺) or jinjeonsawon (眞殿寺院), which were types of temples built to protect the tombs of royal family members near their tombs during the early Joseon period. These stone pagodas include the Thirteen-story Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Gaegyeongsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Yeongyeongsa Temple, and the Multi-story Stone Pagoda of Silleuksa Temple. The comparative analysis of these stone pagodas reveals that King Sejo established the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda at Wongaksa Temple as a political emblem to legitimize his succession to the throne. In this paper, I attempt to better understand the scriptural and political semantics of the Wongaksa pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. By providing a Korean case study, this attempt will contribute to the understanding of Buddhist pagoda culture that reached its peak during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods. It also contributes to the research on thirteen-story pagodas in East Asia that originated with Kanishka stupa and were based on the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra.

Studies on Genetic Analysis by the Diallel Crosses in $F_2$ Generation of Cowpea(Vigna sinensis savi.) (동부 Diallel Cross$ F_2$세대의 유전분석에 관한 연구)

  • Kim, J.H.;Ko, M.S.;Chang, K.Y.
    • KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
    • /
    • v.28 no.2
    • /
    • pp.216-226
    • /
    • 1983
  • Genetic studies on the $F_2$ generation of a set of half diallel crosses involving six cowpea varieties were conducted. by the randomized block design with three replications to determine combining ability, gene action and the relationships between parents and their $F_2$ hybrids. The 12 agronomic characters namely, days to flowering, days from flowering to maturity, days to maturity, diameter of stem, length of internode, number of branches per plant, length of pod, number of pods per plant, number of grains per pod, number of grains per plant, 100 grain weight and grain weight per plot were observed, and the $F_2$ generation of this diallel set of crosses was analysed for each character according to the method by Jinks and Hayman. The results obtained are summarized as follows: 1. Vr-Wr graphical analyses; The following seven characters, days to flowering, number of branches per plant, length of pod, number of pods per plant, number of grains per plant, 100 grain weight and grain weight per plot appeared to be partially dominant, and over dominance was found for days from flowering to maturity, days to maturity, length of internode and number of grains per pod. But diameter of stem indicated partial dominance near complete dominance. 2. Estimates of genetic variance components; In the degree of dominance,. eight characters, that is, days to flowering, days from flowering to maturity, days to maturity, length of internode, number of pods per plant, number of grains per pod, number of grains per plant and grain weight per plot were expressed larger than 1. And the characters, days from flowering to maturity, number of branches per plant and number of grains per plant as the degree of mean dominance ($H_1$/D) were found to be negative value over other characters. On the other hand, apprent asymmetry of dominance-recessive allele ($H_2$ /$4H_1$) produced comparatively estimates with lower value on days from flowering to maturity, length of internode, number of branches per plant and number of grains per pod. 3. Analyses of combining ability; Mean square value of GCA(general combining ability) appeared to be more important than those of SCA (specific combining ability) for most characters, and among them, grain weight per plot showed the highest mean square value in GCA and SCA. 4. Effect of combining ability; Variety 178 was expressed as the highest GCA effects in five characters (days to flowering days to maturity, number of pods per plant, number of grains per plant and grain weight per plot). SCA effects were differed from parents, characters and crosses, but crosses between TVu 1857 $\times$ TVu 2885 and TVu 2702 $\times$ J78 were shown to be highly with SCA effects on yield.

  • PDF

A Study on the Daesoon Cosmology of the Correlative Relation between Mugeuk and Taegeuk (무극과 태극 상관연동의 대순우주론 연구)

  • Kim, Yong-hwan
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
    • /
    • v.33
    • /
    • pp.31-62
    • /
    • 2019
  • The purpose of this article is to study on the Daesoon Cosmology of the Correlative Relation between Mugeuk and Taegeuk. Daesoon cosmology is a cosmology based on the juxtaposition between the Gucheon Sangje and the world. In this article, I would like to say that this theory in Daesoon Thought was developed in three stages: the phase of the Mugeuk Transcendence of Gucheon Sangje, the stage of the Taegeuk Immanence, and the phase of the Grand Opening of the Later World between Mugeuk and Taegeuk as a correlative gentle reign. First of all, the phase of the Mugeuk Transcendence of Gucheon Sangje has been revealed as a yin-yang relationship. The stage of the Taegeuk Immanence represents the togetherness of harmony and co-prosperity between yin and yang, and the phase of the Grand Opening of the Later World between Mukeuk and Taegeuk refers to the unshakable accomplishment of its character and energy. It will be said that this is due to the practical mechanism in the correct balance of yin-yang making a four stage cycle of birth, growth, harvest, and storage. In addition, the Daesoon stage of the settlement of yin and yang is revealed as a change in the growth of all things and the formation of the inner circle. The mental growth reveals the characteristics of everything in the world, each trying to shine at the height of their own respective life as they grow up energetically. The dominant culture of cerebral communion renders a soft and elegant mood and combines yin and yang to elevate the heavenly and earthly period through transcendental change into sympathetic understanding. The stage of the Grand Opening of the Later World between Mugeuk and Taegeuk is one of the earliest days of the lunar month and also the inner circle of Taegeuk. It is in line with Ken Wilbur's integrated model as a step to the true degrees to develop into a world with brightened degrees. It is a beautiful and peaceful scene where celestial maidens play music, the firewood burns, and the scholars command thunder and lightning playfully. Human beings achieve a state of happiness as a free beings who lives as gods upon the earth. This is the world of theGrand Opening of the Later World between Mugeuk and Taegeuk. Daesoon Thought was succeeded by Dojeon in 1958, when Dojeon emerged as the successor in the lineage of religious orthodoxy and was assigned the task of handling Dao in its entirety. In addition, Daesoon is a circle and represents freedom and commonly shared happiness among the populous. Cosmology in the Daesoon Thought will enable us to understand deep dimensions and the identity of members as individuals within an inner circle of correlation between transcendence and immanence. This present study tries to analyze the public effects philologically and also the mutual correlation by utilizing the truthfulness of literature and rational interpretation. The outlook for the future in Daesoon Thought also leads to the one-way communication of Daesoon as a circle.

Transforming the Wongaksa Bell[Buddhist Bell] to the Bosingak Bell[Court Bell]: An Example of the Debuddhismization during the Joseon Dynasty (원각사종(圓覺寺鐘)에서 보신각종(普信閣鍾)으로 -조선시대 탈불교화의 일례-)

  • Nam Dongsin
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
    • /
    • v.104
    • /
    • pp.102-142
    • /
    • 2023
  • The Bronze Bell of Wongaksa Temple, also known as the Bosingak Bell, was produced in 1468 during the reign of King Sejo for dedication at Wongaksa Temple in the middle of the capital Hanyang in celebration of the tenth anniversary of his accession to the throne. It is currently heavily damaged and cannot be struck. This paper focuses on the man-made damage inflicted on the Bosingak Bell and explores when, why, and by whom the bell was damaged along with the historical significance of this damage. In the first section, the relevant literature is reviewed and the problems concerned, research perspective, and methodology are presented. The history of related theories is investigated focusing on the relationship between Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell. The perspective that Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell are the same is introduced. My discussion will be developed from this perspective. In the second section, the background to King Sejo's construction of Wongaksa Bell is examined. Specifically, the bells commissioned by the kings of the early Joseon era are divided into court bells (jojong) and Buddhist bells (beomjong). They total four court bells and three Buddhist bells. The former are the Jongnu Tower Bell commissioned by King Taejo, Donhwamun Gate Bell by King Taejong, Gwanghwamun Gate Bell by King Sejong, and Sajeongjeon Hall Bell by King Sejo. The latter are the bells of Yongmunsa, Heungcheonsa (or Jeongneungsa) and Wongaksa Temples, all of which were made during the reign of King Sejo. Sejo also made Wongaksa Bell and gave it the meaning that the monarch and the Buddha both wish to enlighten the people through the sound of the bells. In the third section, traces of the man-made damage done to Bosingak Bell are closely examined. By observing the current condition of Bosingak Bell and comparing it with the contemporaneous Heungcheongsa Bell (1462) and Bongseonsa Bell (1469), the components of Bosingak Bell that were damaged can be identified. The damaged parts are again divided into Buddhist elements and non-Buddhist elements. The former includes the reversed lotus petals on the shoulder band, four standing bodhisattvas, and the inscription of the bell composed by Choe Hang. The latter includes lists of chief supervisors (dojejo). I describe the phenomenon of deliberately damaging Buddhist elements on bells as "effacement of Buddhism," meaning Buddhist images and inscriptions are eliminated, and I note the prevailing rejection of Buddhism theory among Neo-Confucianists as its ideological root. The erasure of non-Buddhist images was probably caused by political conflicts such as Yeonsangun's purge in 1504. Since both ideological and political factors played a role in the changes made to Bosingak Bell, the damage was possibly done between the Purge of 1504 and the abdication of Yeonsangun in 1506. Chapter four traces the transformation of the Buddhist bell of Wongaksa Temple into the Bosingak court bell. Finally completed in 1468, the Wongaksa Bell only served its role as a Buddhist bell at related services for a relatively brief period of 36 years (until 1504). Wongaksa Temple was closed down and the bell lost its Buddhist function. In 1536, it was moved from Wongaksa Temple to Namdaemun Gate, where it remained silent for the next 90 years until it was struck again in November 1594. However, after the destruction of the Jongnu Bell in a fire during the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592-1598), the Buddhist bell from Wongaksa Temple became a court bell. The Wongaksa Temple bell was relocated to Jongnu Tower in 1619, traveling through Myeongdong Pass. From then on, as the official Jongnu Bell (later renamed Bosingak Bell), it was regularly rung at dawn and dusk every day for nearly 300 years until 1908, when Japanese authorities halted the ritual. The transformation of the Wongaksa Bell (a Buddhist bell) to Bosingak Bell (a court bell) means that the voice of the Buddha was changed to the voice of the king. The concept of "effacement of Buddhism," evident in the transformation of Wongaksa Bell to Bosingak Bell, was practiced widely on almost every manifestation of Buddhism throughout the Joseon period. In short, the damage evident in Bosingak Bell underscores the debuddhismization in Korean society during the Joseon Dynasty.

Healing Effect of 'Creative Writing' on Individual and on Our Age - Focused on the 'Man of Darkness (Vampire)' Symbol - ('창조적 글쓰기'가 개인 및 시대에 미치는 치유적 작용 - '어둠의 남자(Vampire)' 상징을 중심으로 - )

  • Kye-Hee Kim;Ki-Won Kim;Eun-Seun Han
    • Sim-seong Yeon-gu
    • /
    • v.28 no.1
    • /
    • pp.1-49
    • /
    • 2013
  • This article started with 'encounter'. Both authors met around the middle of February and discussed the subject for the inhospital conference presentation scheduled at the break of June. Having conversation like "Movies similar to fairytales heard from childhood are standing out conspicuously among commercial films which are attracting audiences and receiving fervent response these days. This phenomenon is marvelous and mysterious." together, and sharing this and that, the conversation turned naturally to 'Bram Stoker's Dracula', 'Series of Twilight', and 'Warm Bodies', both authors found out the fact that we saw these movies in common with propound impression. Feeling our hearts beating high, bit of fear and hesitation followed simultaneously at the moment when both of us encountered the idea to choose subject of conference presentation related to this and expressed one in words. While preparing for the conference, presenting to others, and having discussion with the audience, our hearts have been filled with Presentation was finished after active discussion beyond fixed hour and it also brought audience (among those present) to show strong emotional response both positively and negatively. At first, we just had a thought to put aside the content of presentation, but we felt lack of something else, lingering in our minds. We finally decided to accomplish our work into an article leading to submission, based on the advice and recommendation from one of the audience. This article is a small 'creative writing' born by sharing both authors' passion and enthusiasm. In the first part of this article, we have introduced the dream of 31-year-old woman's which led to the 'creative writing' and spotlighted her personal life, before and after the dream. In the second part, we have examined the consequence (way of realization) and meaning of creative impulse shown from or experienced from personal unconsciousness (dream, fantasy) together. Creative impulse shown from the individual appeared to bring creative transformation of individual personality through the process of 'introversion'. Otherwise it also appeared to be delivered as a masterpiece through 'creative writing' or from the process of 'extroversion'. Sometimes both consequences happened at once. We tried to examine and interpret the dream of 31-year-old woman's, which was introduced in the first part of this article, that is to say, the dream of 'Stephenie Meyer's, the author of the 'love between vampire boy and ordinary human girl' themed novel 'Twilight Series', in a psychoanalytic perspective. In the third part, highlighting individual dreams and three different movies 'Bram Stoker's Dracula', 'Twilight Series', and 'Warm Bodies', we found the transformation of symbol 'Man of Darkness, vampire' seen in each individual dreams and in some specific popular arts, such as novels and movies, receiving fervent response from people. We also found love between this symbol and humane woman, bearing fruit together with very impressive change shown in the attitude of 'Man of Darkness' (vampire)'s conscious ego and mutual relationship pattern. We contemplated this phenomenon, the reason why these events happen, and what kind of association presents among these events, individual, and this era and discussed the effects on individuals and this era, at present. 'Creative impulse', originated in the deep structure of human mind is realized as a 'transformation of individual personality' or masterpiece through artistic creation. If it has a chance to make a match with this era, shared by a lot of contemporary people, it also appears to bring positive effect as healing and salvation to each individual or to each era. From this article, we mainly highlighted positive and healing aspects of individual 'creative impulse'. We hope to deal with the negative consequences and their reason coming from 'creative impulse', if the occasion arises, in the future with a new article.

Studies on the Biological Effects of Chemosterilant, Hempa, on the Rice Weevil (Sitophilus oryzae 1.) and Transmission of Sterility (화학적 불임유기물질 Hempa가 쌀바구미(Sitophilus oryzae L.)에 미치는 생물학적 영향 및 불임성의 전달에 관한 연구)

  • Shim Jai Wook
    • Korean journal of applied entomology
    • /
    • v.12 no.1
    • /
    • pp.1-21
    • /
    • 1973
  • Some experiments were conducted to investigate the effects of the chemosterilant, hempa, on the biology of the rice weevil, Sitophilus oryzae L., and the transmission of the lethal factors in the progeny. One to three days old adult males were fed on the wheat grains treated with concentrations of 0.0625, 0.125, 0.25, and $0.5\%$ of hempa water solution. The effects of the treatment on the mortality, longevity, and the performance of oviposition were examined for the Pl generation, and the hatchability and mortality in the postembryonic development were also tested in the $F_1,\;F_2,\;BC_1,\;F_3,\;and\;BC_2$ generations to analyze the inheritance of the lethal factors. The results obtained were summarized as follows. (1) The average longevity of the treated males were ranged from 26.6 to 30.4 days, and indicated no statistical differences. (2) The mortality of the treated males were ranged between $3.3\%\;and\;13.3\%$ and showed no statistical significance. (3) The overall mean number of eggs laid by a female mated to a treated male with concentrations of 0.0625, 0.125, 0.26 and $0.5\%$ were 3.78, 4.05, 3.75 and 3.61 for the respective treatments, and they were not differ significantly from those of control which were 3.60 per female per 3 day period. The unmated female laid 1.91 in the same period, and significantly differ from those in other experimental groups. (4) The overall mean hatchability of the eggs laid by the females mated with males that had been treated with various concentrations of hempa were 86.82, 64.77, 53.47, 40.33 and $24.78\%$ for the respective concentrations of 0, 0.0625, 0.125, 0.25 and $0.5\%$. The hatchability decreased with the increasing concentrations. (5) The minimum hatchabilities were obtained from the eggs laid in the period of 10-12 days after treatment, then the hatchability increased showing some recovery. The recovery seemed to be very much delayed for the males which had been treated with the greater concentrations. Such a difference in hatchability might be related with the sensitivity of the developmental stages of the sperms, and broader spectrum in the stages and severer effects seemed to be associated with the increased concentrations. (6) The overall mean of larval mortality in the $F_l$ generation were 6.55, 17.89, 27.40, 35.42 and $52.17\%$ for the respective concentrations of 0,0.0625, 0.125,0.25 and $0.5\%$. And there was a tendency to increase in the mortality with the increase of concentrations. (7) The correlation coefficients between per cent sterile eggs and larval mortality for the experimental plots of 0.125, 0.25 and $0.5\%$ treatments showed r=+0.83 and +0.85, respectively, and it seemed to be close correlation between the lethal effects on the embryonic and post-embryonic developments. (8) Since the $SC_{50}$ of the sterile eggs was $0.133\%$ and $SC_{50}$ of the larval mortality was $0.565\%$, it was considered that tile lethal factors expressed more in the egg stages than the larval stages. (9) The ratio of female to male in the $F_l$ adults showed 100 : 125, 100 : 108 and 100 : 124 for the plots of 0.125, 0.25 and $0.5\%$ treatments, respectively. And it n·as considered that the sex ratio distortions might occur with the higher concentrations. (10) When the F, males originated 1.on the eggs had been laid by p, in the period of 16-18 days after treatment, were crossed to normal females $(BC_1)$ and made sib matings $(F_2)$, the per cent sterile eggs of the $BC_1$ generation were 13.88 and $33.04\%$ , and were 31.01 and $38.73\%$ for the $F_2$generation with the plots of 0.0625 and $0.125\%$ treatment, respectively. And these seemed to be a results of the $F_1$ individuals are carrying some chromosomal aberrations (11) The larval mortality was the highest in the $F_2$ plot and followed the female backcross plot, and the least in the male backcrosses. (12) The proportions of 1st and 2nd instar larvae among the larval development at tile 17th day after oviposition were 10.98, 27.26, 32.98 and $15.73\%$ in the normal female $\times$ normal male, $F_1$ female$\times$normal male, normal $female \;\times F_1$ male and $female \;\times F_1$ male plots, respectively. It was considered that the larval development might be delayed by the treatment in the 2nd generation. (13) Per cent larval mortality and sterile eggs were greater in the $F_2$ sib mating plots $(F_3)$ than both of $F_2$ backcrosses. Therefore, it seemed that some of the recessive lethal mutations might affect in the further generations. (14) The sterility, induced by the treatment of chemosterilant, hempa, was considered as the result of the dominant lethal mutations due to chromosomal aberrations such as translocation and/or deletion. The effects of these lethal factors seemed to be inherited tip to 3rd generation after treatment.

  • PDF