• Childhood Kidney Diseases
• /
• v.2 no.2
• /
• pp.125-132
• /
• 1998

Purpose : To study whether a low protein diet increase the efficacy of antihypertensive therapy on the progression of renal failure, we conducted an experimental study using 5/6 nephrectomized rats(n=63). Methods : At 7 days after surgery, rats were randomly assigned to three groups according to receiving antihypertensive drug: no antihypertensive drug (U), enalapril (E), and nicardipine (N), respectively and fed a low protein diet (6$\%$ protein). Proteinuria, mesangial matrix expansion score and glomerular volume were assessed at 4, 12 and 16 weeks after renal ablation. Results : Group U rats on a low protein diet developed progressive hypertension ($140{\pm}8,\;162{\pm}5,\;171{\pm}5\;and\;184{\pm}11\;mmHg$ at 4, 8, 12 and 16 weeks) which were controlled by E and N. Group U rats on a low protein diet developed proteinuria ($74{\pm}15\;mg/day$ at 16 weeks) which were decreased by E ($42{\pm}12 mg/day$) or N ($48{\pm}8 mg/day$) (p<0.05). Mesangial matrix expansion score and glomerular volume were not different between groups U, E and N on a low protein diet regardless of the antihypertensive drugs administered. Conclusion : A low protein diet did not affect blood pressure. Enalapril and nicardipine-treated rats on a low protein diet did not have different mesangial matrix expansion and glomerular volumes from rats on a low protein diet at 12 weeks and 16 weeks, in spite of the better controlling of systemic hypertension and lessening of proteinuria. Thus, combined treatment with a low protein diet and antihypertensive drugs didn't appear to show any addition,11 effects to attenuate glomerular injury.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.50
• /
• pp.113-138
• /
• 2016

The purpose of this research is to establish the foundation for understanding the appearance of development, inheritance and acceptance of Toegye Yi Hwang(退溪李滉, 1501~1570)'s theory after his life by examining Udam Jeong Sihan(愚潭 丁時翰, 1625~1707)'s view on the Ido-seol(理到說), the Toegye's latter theory. After Toegye, Ido-seol was translated as 'The principle of matters reaches the human mind'. Galam Yi Hyunil(葛庵 李玄逸, 1627~1704), the contemporary scholar with Udam, criticized this translation for applying the directivity and motility to 'Li', the immovable principle. However, Udam agreed with the conventional interpretation of Ido-seol and understood it as the consilience of mind which got the entire principle(體) of 'Li(理)' and contained the application(用) of all things. He extended this concept as the level of 'sameness between objects and self [物我爲一]' based on his former theory, the exquisite interpretation of 'application of Li'. The meaning of 'sameness between objects and self[物我爲一]' is not amalgamation but applepie order of matter's principle in mind. The Udam's viewpoint is differ from Galam who tried to overcome the structural limit of Ido-seol by transforming 'Do(到)', the predicate of 'Ido(理到)', into 'Jin(盡)'. It means that he tried to interpret 'Ido(理到)' on the more essential aspect. His view can be the useful tool for understanding the Toegye's neo-Confucianism system with 'Li(理)' as central figure. It suggested that Udam's theory of the principle and the applecation of 'Li' can be the important theory to investigate the formation of Toegye schools' though and its development.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.36
• /
• pp.43-74
• /
• 2013

This paper aims to analyse Han Wonjin's criticism centered on Kim Changhyup's theory of Jigak(知覺). In the early 18th century, Kim Changhyup whose position considered as the leader of Rakhak(洛學) circle was the central figure in the debate on the controversial subject of Jigak. Han Wonjin as an opinion leader of Hohak(湖學)'s legacy was required to argue with his counterpart in order to establish his circle's standpoint. The main issue they discussed was the relationship between Ji(智) and Jigak. Kim contends that Ji and Jigak belong to different categories, and that the substance-function(體用) relation cannot be applied to them. According to him, the relation between Ji and Jigak is that of Do(道) and Gi(器). Similarly, the relation between Sim(心) and Sung(性) is that of subject and object. He also maintains that Jigak is not the phenomenalized mode of Ji, but the innate capability that employs Sung as the source of morality and turns it into feelings. In contrast, Han argues that Ji, as a ontological foundation of Jigak, is what enables Jigak to be a moral activity. In criticizing Kim Changhyup, Han maintains that if one denies the relation between Ji and Jigak, then one would have to characterize Jigak as a blind function with no moral sense. If one admits Jigak can have moral contents on its own without the connection with Ji, then one would have to allow two moral foundation, which leads one's idea into heretical beliefs. Han holds that Jigak can a moral function only when it is grounded upon Ji. In conclusion, Han emphasizes Ji as the base of Jigak that enables Jigak to realize morality while Kim emphasizes the role of Jigak as the principal agent of moral activity.

• Childhood Kidney Diseases
• /
• v.3 no.1
• /
• pp.64-71
• /
• 1999

Purpose : The protective effects of dietary protein on the progression of renal failure were studied in subtotally nephrectomized rats. Methods : Treatment groups were as follows; 5/6 nephrectomy and a normal protein ($18.5\%$) diet (NP); 5/6 nephrectomy and a low protein ($6\%$) diet (LP): 5/6 nephrectomy, a normal protein diet and converting enzyme inhibitor, enalapril (NPE): 5/6 nephrectomy, a low protein diet and enalapril (LPE). Both diets were isocaloric and had the same phosphorus content. Proteinuria, remnant kidney weight, mesangial matrix expansion score and glomerular volume were assessed at 4, 12 and 16 weeks after renal ablation. Results : LP and NP developed progressive hypertension. Eight weeks after surgery, LPE and NPE controlled hypertension. LP, LPE, and NPE had significantly less proteinuria than NP at 16 weeks (P<0.05). Kidney weight in LP were markedly less enlarged than NP (P<0.05). There was no difference in kidney weight between LPE and NPE. At 12 and 16 weeks the mesangial matrix expansion score was significantly less in LP, LPE, and NPE compared to NP (P<0.05). At 12 and 16 weeks mean glomerular volume was significantly less in LP compared to NP (P<0.05). At 12 and 16 weeks mean glomerular volume in LPE was significantly less compared to NPE. Conclusion : Dietary protein restriction afforded considerable protection from renal injury in the rat remnant kidney model. During the enalapril treatment, there was no additional protective effect of dietary protein restriction against the development of renal lesions.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
• /
• v.48 no.1
• /
• pp.33-44
• /
• 2000

Background: To evaluate airway responses and inflammation to antigen in Sprague-Dawley rat asthma model, we examined airway responses, serial histologic changes of the lung, and the relationship between airway responses and airway inflammation after antigen airway challenge. Methods: Sprague-Dawley rats were sensitized with subcutaneous injection of 10 ${\mu}g$ ovalbumin(OA). Antigen airway challenges were done 14~16 days after sensitization and the sensitized rats were sacrificed 1h($A_E$), 6~8h($A_L$) and 1day($A_D$) after airway challenge, to examine the histologic changes of the lung. Airway responses were measured by body plethysmograph and recorded by enhanced pause(Penh) as an index of airway obstruction 6~8h after antigen challenges. Nonsensitized controls(10 rats) were also challenged with antigen and sacrificed 1 day later. Histopathologic examination of two trachea, large bronchi, small bronchi, and vessels was performed to evaluate the severity of inflammation and eosinophilic infiltration with H&E stain. Results: In 17 of 20 rats(85%) in both groups, we observed airway responses. Among them, an early response(ER) in 15 rats(75%), an dual response in 5(25%), and an late response(LR) only in 2 rats(10%) displayed. There were no significant differences in the severity of inflammation among the trachea, large bronchi, small bronchi and vessels in all groups after antigen challenge(p>0.05) and between early and late responders. The significant eosinophil infiltration was observed in 5 rats(50%) of AL(p<0.05) compared with in AE and controls. Also, eosinophil infiltration was observed in higher trend in LR(57.1%) compared to ER(40%)(p>0.05). Conclusion: Sprague-Dawley rats sensitized with subcutaneous injection of OA showed a significant airway responses to antigen challenge. But antigen challenges caused a little eosinophil infiltration and no significant airway inflammation. Asthma model of Sprague-Dawley rats could be useful for antigen-induced airway responses, but this model has a limitation for the study of human asthma because of no significant pathologic change.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.38
• /
• pp.1-46
• /
• 2021

Since ancient times, the word Deok (德, virtue) has been used as a term in ethics. In the east, it originally meant 'to acquire (得),' and during the warring states period, it was used to indicate 'personality' or 'value;' especially for political leaders. Then, in Confucianism, the word Deok developed into an ethical term suggesting that people should acquire Deok in their action so as to achieve human perfection. In Daesoon Thought, Deok originates from the Dao, and the two are close in the same manner that Yin and Yang are close and interrelated. The Dao of Daesoon Thought indicates the Great Dao of Heaven and Earth, which Gucheon Sangje had opened when he performed his Gongbu (holy work) at Daewonsa Temple, is such that the Great Deok was divided into the Deok of Heaven, the Deok of Earth, and the Deok of Humanity. This allows for the realization of Deok in each of the Three Realms. Jo Jeongsan, the successor of Gucheon Sangje, said that he will inherit the Great Deok originated from the Great Dao and enlighten the world to the Dao. The cause of the accumulation of grievances in the Three Realms was due to the failure to sufficiently spread Deok throughout the Three Realms. The Later World is where Deok will be offered in its full extent as it was secured by the Cheonjigongsa (Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth) performed by Gucheon Sangje. However, as the main agent of spreading Deok is the heart-mind, humans need to cultivate their heart-mind in the correct way. When humans finally become Dotong-gunja (beings who are perfectly unified with the Dao) and generously practice Deok in the world, there will be no grievances anywhere in the Three Realms. There are four ways of practicing Deok: Deok by caring for life, Eondeok (Deok of speech), Gongdeok (practicing meritorious Deok), and Podeok (spreading of Deok) to the world. Practicing the Deok by caring for life is to save and protect living beings based on the spirit of Jesaenguise (saving lives and curing the world). Eondeok is practiced when people speak to others in a positive way that fosters widespread goodness based on the spirit of Sangsaeng (mutual beneficence). When people perform Gongdeok they will be rewarded for their actions. Podeok can be realized when the followers of Sangje spread the Great Dao of Heaven and Earth based on the teachings of Daesoon Thought.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.52
• /
• pp.107-130
• /
• 2017

The purpose of this study is to catch the characteristics of the Hanju Yi Jinsang (寒洲 李震相, 1818~1886)'s thought of the 'Li(理)' through Hanju's view on the Ido-seol(理到說), the Toegye Yi Hwang(退溪 李滉, 1501~1570)'s latter Mulgyuk(物格) theory, and to establish the foundation for identifying the aspects of development about Toegye School's concept of Li from Toegye's Ido-seol. The Ido-seol was criticized for regarding Li - the immovable principle - as 'living thing'. Toegye School's scholars tried to solve this problem by translating the 'word' correctly. Hanju also translated the word 'Do(到)', the verb of 'Ido', as meaning of 'perfectly understood' based on his translation of the word 'Gyuk(格)' as 'Ku(究)'. On the other hand, he also regarded the principle-application structure of Li and the its characteristic the 'Li as Hwalmul(活物)' as the main point of Toegye's Neo-confucianism thought his methodology 'Three viewpoints[三看法]'. Before Hanju, scholars dose not have more opinion from the translation of the word, and it is too difficult to identifying their scholarly identity through their viewpoints on Ido-seol. On the other hand, Hanju thought that the lack of the idea for comprehensive approach between Xin(心) and Li(理) will cause the misunderstanding the relationship between Xin and Li. In this reason, he evaluated Toegye's Ido-seol based on the concept of 'One principle and its manifoldness[理一分殊]'. Consequently, he concatenated the characteristic of Xin which includes all things with concept of Mulgyuk, and emphasized that Xin which penetrates the principle of all things has the characteristic of 'One principle(理一)'.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.31
• /
• pp.263-287
• /
• 2011

Li-Gu was a Confucianist who criticized traditional 'attend to Righteousness and neglect Profit' idea and insisted that people affirmed 'Proprietiy' and 'Interest', which accorded with human nature and desire. He said that 'Proprieties' was made by adjusting one's material life and natural desire. Therefore, if we want 'Propriety' is manifested itself, we must affirm and satisfy the material life and natural desire first. He asserted that if we didn't follow this, the people's life would be devastated and the nation would face a big crisis. Li-Gu's thought not only gave Wang An Suk's Reformation a theoretical basics, but also attached the new and reformist meanings to 'Propriety', which had been changing meaningless and abstract, by criticizing Songming Confucian School and put great stress on uniting the inside and outside. In this article, through examining Li-Gu's the idea of Righteousness and Profit, King and Ruler, Inside and Outside, we can consider what the real 'Propriety' is and what kind of practical meaning 'Propriety' has.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.35
• /
• pp.223-248
• /
• 2012

This research is to investigate his creative perspective to Deahak through Seoktan Lee Shin-Ui's Daehakcharok. Lee Shin-Ui is a scholar and politician in the middle of Joseon Dynasty. His ancestral home is Jeonui. The honor name is Gyeongchik and pen name is Seoktan. The posthumous name is MunJeong. His Daehakcharok was written in the process of taking basic foundation as the politic leader. It was a record that he usually wrote down things realized after reading Deahakjanggu. Seoktan clearly classified the meaning of Jang (chapter) and Gu (phrase) as the structure of Deahakjanggu, and created new realm about the method of classified study. In the preface of Deahakjanggu, he emphasized that the core of Deahak is in Gyeong (敬, respect or honor), and clarified that Deahak deals with Sim (心, mind) and Seong (性, human nature). In the interpretation of Daehakdeajeon, he thought that the core of Samgangnyeong (三綱領, three doctrines or essential principles) depended on Myeong (明, realizing), Shin (新, taking re-newness), and Ji (止, achieving) as the meaning of 'realizing, taking re-newness, and achieving', and interpreted the context of Tao (道, the way), Myeong (明, realizing), and Deuk (德, virtue) in detail. In addition, he interpreted various concepts and meaning of Deahak with Myeongmyeongdeuk (明明德, realizing human nature) and Sinmin (新民, renewing people) as relationship with Ji(知, realization), Haeng(行, practice), Che(體, main structure), and Yong (用, dealing with), and developed Neo-Confucianism deeply. In case of the main interpretation of Deahakjanggu, he analytically reviewed 50 phrases one by one throughout 10 total chapters. In case of chapter five which includes Zhuzi's the theory of Gyeokmul (格物, approaching things or persons), he interpreted it in three parts and classified Gyeokmulchiji (格物致知, approaching things or persons and then realizing their nature) about researching deeply of principle and each thing, and Mulgyeokjiji (物格知至, approaching things or persons and then realizing them) about all things. He arranged in order of 'principle- researching-result' as well. In final, chapter ten showing the core of politic thought emphasized the way of Hyeolgu (?矩, considering others' situation through his/her own experience) intensively and informed that it is the best virtue for a governor.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.29
• /
• pp.33-54
• /
• 2010

Woodam(愚潭) Jeong Si-han(丁時翰, 1625-1707) played an important role in the formation and development of the Toegye School. This writing explores the way Woodam understood the thought of Toegye(退溪, 1501-1570) as presented in The Book of Four-Seve Demonstration(四七辨證) The 17th century that Woodam lived in was the period in which monism and dualism coexisted. Woodam's understanding of Toegye's thought can be summarized as follows: 1) Woodam followed Toegye's li(理)-qi(氣) defense and his view on the origin of nature and emotion, acknowledging Toegye as the orthodox transmitter of Zhu Xi's teachings, 2) Woodam considered that the difference between the past and the contemporary teachings was simply caused by the difficulty of comprehending the character "li (principle) ". Thus he criticized Yulgok(栗谷, 1536-1584)'s claim that "that which rises is qi (material force), and that which gives rise to qi is li," and followed instead Toegye's views of the entivity, dynamism, and ultimacy of li and its substantial function. Yet, Woodam further developed Toegye's thought and asserted that "in the midst of the marvelous unity of li and qi, li is always dominant and qi is always ancillary." 3) Woodam criticized Yulgok's thought and advocated Toegye's doctrine of the mutual motion of li and qi(理氣互發說), thereby following Toegye's insistence that difference can be observed in sameness and sameness can be observed in difference, that integrative thinking is needed to constructively embrace both analytic and synthetic judgments. In conclusion, Woodam understood profoundly and correctly Toegye's views on the relationship between li and qi and between nature and emotion, and explained them more concretely. In so doing, he endeavored to live the life by the teachings of Toegye.