• Title/Summary/Keyword: 청해부대

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A Quantitative Study on How the Cheonghae Anti-piracy Unit influences the Occurrence of Maritime Piracy near Somalia (청해부대 파병(다국적 해군의 대(對)해적 작전)이 소말리아 인근 해적사건 발생에 미치는 영향에 관한 정량적연구)

  • Han, Jong-Hwan
    • Strategy21
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    • s.46
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    • pp.123-157
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    • 2020
  • This research focuses on one important type of non-traditional threat, maritime piracy, and tries to supplement previous research from the perspective of military power, especially naval power. When considering the elements of military power, naval power is a core independent variable to explain piracy incidents. Indeed, naval power can play a key role in solving piracy problems, since naval power is the only legitimate force to respond to piracy in the sea. It is natural that well equipped and trained naval power in the sea increases the probability of capturing pirates, which leads to increasing the costs of piracy and decreasing its occurrences. In addition, since naval combatant ships have more impressive weapons than those of pirate boats, just the presence of naval combatant ships could serve to deter piracy incidents in the sea. The main purpose of this research is finding the effectiveness of large multinational naval efforts to deter piracy incidents in Africa. With this research purpose, I analyze 771 piracy incidents that occurred in African states from 2009 to 2014. Furthermore, I include all 33 coastal states in Africa regardless of the experiences of piracy incidents in order to avoid selection bias, which is very common in quantitative-based piracy incidents research. The dependent variable of this research is frequency of maritime piracy incidents for a country-year and the independent variable is the number of multi-national naval warships that operate near Somalia. With this analysis, I find the large number of multi-state naval combatant ships are negatively related to piracy incidents. In other words, as a main means to counteract piracy incidents, multi-state naval combatant ships are conducive to reduce piracy incidents near Somalia, since it increases costs (being captured) of conducting piracy.

A Chunghae Unit Study on the NCO Effectiveness of Anti-piracy Operation (청해부대 대해적작전의 네트워크작전(NCO) 효과 사례연구)

  • Jung, Wan-Hee
    • Journal of the Korea Institute of Military Science and Technology
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    • v.17 no.6
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    • pp.744-750
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    • 2014
  • In this paper, I have measured NCO(Network Centric Operation) Effectiveness of Anti-piracy Operation at the Chunghae Unit. For quantitative analysis, Network Centric Operations Conceptual Framework(U.S Office of Force Transformation) is applied. In accordance with the framework, the Chunghae unit anti-piracy operation scenario is analysed. The scenario is devided with two case(only voice communication and networking). The element of analysis be composed of the organic information, networking, share-ability, and individual information. As a result of analysis, the individual information of first case(only voice) gets 0.59 points. The other side, second case (networking) gets 1 points. This means that NCO has effect on the Chunghae Unit's mission. In addition, I stated the tactics advantage of NCO related a fighting power.

The Influence of the Foreign Infringement to the Maritime Economic Sovereignty upon the Rise of Modern Piracy (외세의 '경제 해양주권' 침해가 현대 해적행위 부상에 미치는 영향 : 소말리아, 예멘, 나이지리아 사례를 중심으로)

  • Jung, Man-sup
    • Maritime Security
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    • v.1 no.1
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    • pp.175-214
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    • 2020
  • Previous studies cannot effectively explain the rise of piracy in Somalia and NIgeria. First, there is a lack of explanation for the process that from a small maritime robbery into a org anized pirate g roup. Second, it is difficult to explain the low level of piracy in countries with extreamly poor conditions, from Somalia to Nigeria. In this study, I argue that the more severe foreign countries infringe on economic maritime sovereignty in vulnerable countries, the higher the intensity and frequency of piracy. If the infringement of economic maritime sovereignty caused by foreign groups occurs in a fragile state, the government could not respond to the acts of foreign groups, resulting in increased damage to maritime people, deteriorating the regional economic situation. As hostility grows, a culture favorable to piracy is created, which is actively utilized by local forces to inspire the people's hostility, and a favorable environment for piracy emerges in a way that responds politically to foreign powers. In Somalia and Nigeria, the infringement of economic maritime sovereignty by foreign groups emerged severe. And based on the stagnation of the local economy and hostility toward foreign groups, favorable conditions were formed for piracy, resulting in the rise of piracy. Meanwhile, Somalia's neighbor, one of the most fragile states in the world, Yemen have not suffered piracy. Also, the foreign infringement to the maritime economic sovereignty has rarely been observed.

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An Analysis of Iran's Maritime Strategy from a Structural Perspective on Middle East International Relations: Focusing on Defensive Realism (중동 국제관계에 대한 구조적 관점에서의 이란 해양전략에 대한 분석: 방어적 현실주의 관점을 중심으로)

  • Oh, Dongkeon
    • Maritime Security
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    • v.1 no.1
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    • pp.93-117
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    • 2020
  • Four cargo ships were ambushed by bombs in 2019 while navigating in the Strait of Hormuz. It was not clear who attacked those ships, however, many nations including the United States argued that it was Iran due to several reasons. The United States established the maritime collective defense system named International Maritime Security Construct (IMSC) in order to protect the maritime security in the Strait of Hormuz, without disclosure against whom it is aimed. Persian, who uses the Persian language unlike other countries in the Middle East, is the major ethnic group in Iran, and most of them believe Shi'ah Islam while most of the Arabs in the Gulf countries adhere to Sunni Islam. It seems that historic and religious motives caused the bipolar system in the Middle East, however, it is plausible to analyze the system of international affairs in the Middle East via defensive or structural realism. Iran has attempted to maintain its hegemony in the region by supporting Shi'ah muslims in the neighboring countries as well as in the world by using military and economic means. In this context, Iran's maritime strategy is to maintain its maritime hegemony on the Persian Gulf via countering threats and cooperating with friendly navies by using the Islamic Republic of Iran Navy(IRIN) and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Navy(IRGCN). IRIN acts like other navies in the world: protecting national interest at sea, expending its operational areas to the outer seas, and enhancing cooperation with other navies. Meanwhile, IRGCN plays a role as an asymmetric force at sea. It is composed of small and fast asymmetric assets, which can ambush ships fast and furious. Considering the poor study for Iran's maritime strategy in Korea, analyzing the strategy is meaningful for the Republic of Korea Navy, which has operated the Cheonghae Unit for more than ten years since it has extended its operational area over the Strait of Hormuz. In order not to be drawn into the conflict in the Strait, research on the maritime strategy of Iran and other countries in the Middle East should be started.

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A study on role of ROK Escort Task Gruop according to recently Pirate Conducting Trend and Anti-Piracy Operation in Indian Ocean (최근 인도양 해적활동과 대해적작전 변화에 따른 한국 청해부대 역할 연구)

  • Choi, Hyoung-Min
    • Strategy21
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    • s.32
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    • pp.192-221
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    • 2013
  • In order to deal with the current economic crisis, the U.S. government, as a part of its austerity fiscal policy, implemented a budget sequester. The sequester will hit the U.S. defense budget the hardest, and as a result will most likely put the security of the international community in jeopardy. The U.S. will have to cut 46 billion dollars from its original 525 billon defense spending in 2013. And by the year 2022, will have to cut 486.9 billion dollars. Such an astronomical decrease in the U.S. defense spending will inevitably burden the friendly nations. According to recent studies, pirate related incidents in Somalia, where piracy is most active, has declined from its 226 incidents to 76 incidents per year in 2012, a 66% drop from previous years'. However, piracy threats as well as those related to firearms still remain and thus participants of anti-piracy operations, namely the U.S., U.K., France, Canada, NCC, EUNAVFOR, and NATO, are facing a problem of declining forces. Considering the current situation as well as rising expectations from the international community, Republic of Korea, a supporter of NCC's maritime security operation, not to mention its foremost duty of securing its sea, is at a stage to re-examine its operational picture. Such action will be a good opportunity for Republic of Korea to build the trust and live up to the international community's expectation. To quote from the network theory, although in relation to other friendly nations participating in the anti-piracy operation, Republic of Korea currently remains at a single cell level, this opportunity will certainly develop Korea to a 'node' nation in which power and information would flow into. Through this expansion of operational capability, Republic of Korea will be able to exert more influence as a more developed nation. Currently however, not only is the single 4,500 ton class destroyer deployed in Somalia a limited unit to further expand the scale and amount of force projection in the area, but also the total of six 4,500 ton class destroyers ROK feet possess is at a high fatigue degree due to standard patrolling operations, midshipman cruise and the RIMPAC exercise. ROK fleet therefore must consider expanding the number of ships deployed along with either deploying combat support ships or constructing logistics support site in the African region. Thus, by expanding its operational capabilities and furthermore by abiding to the rightful responsibilities of a middle power nation, Republic of Korea will surely earn its respect among the members of the international community.

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