• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.12
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• pp.238-248
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• 2019

Trust is a personal emotion that is affected by individual characteristics and social atmosphere. However, a lot of studies on government trust focus on government factors such as fairness and expertise of the government. Government trust is mainly affected by the capacity and characteristics of government. However, government trust is likely to have a significant impact by personal factors such as personal disposition and character. Therefore, this study examines whether government trust is influenced not only by government factors but also by personal factors such as individual values and general trust tendencies. The results of this study show that government trust is positively related to government factors such as government expertise and fairness. In addition, individual values and general trust tendencies, such as age, political tendency, happiness, prospects for the future, and corporate trust level, are also affecting government trust. This indicates that government trust is influenced not only by government variables such as government expertise and government fairness but also by individual values and trust tendencies. It suggests that government trust is not just a variable influenced by government behavior, but also related to individual values and trust tendencies.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.71
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• pp.116-154
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• 2015

Officially given a historical signifier as Gwangju Democratic Movement since 1987, far-right and conservative group have restated that $5{\cdot}18$ is a rebellion and a riot that was committed by rebellious elements who obeyed North Korea's command or who were connected with North Korea. As those who had been responsible for the rebellion, revolt and riot were rewarded, far-right and conservatives' collective narrative that a country was born where the pro-North Korea left became dominated aroused extreme hostility towards $5{\cdot}18$. Far-right and conservatives involved in many different fields such as political party, university, press and media and civil group carry out incendiary discourse politics with intention to reestablish history and memory of $5{\cdot}18$ in their own story. Many people at online sites such as Ilbe Storehouse who are considered 'young right wing' is a main route to spread the far-right groups' remarks on $5{\cdot}18$. Ilbe is a main channel to reconstitute and reproduce the far-right conservatives' remarks and information on $5{\cdot}18$. Ilbe is one of main area where remarks of disparagement and ridicule, hostility and hatred on $5{\cdot}18$ unfurl. This study collects $5{\cdot}18$-related remarks and stories unfolded at Ilbe and examines how these remarks and stories make significance as to $5{\cdot}18$ and how information resources which remarks are dependent upon are connected each other. In this process, this study intends to find implications of incendiary politics that echoed of remarks on $5{\cdot}18$ have which at the online site Ilbe and by the far-right conservatives.

• Journal of Korea Technology Innovation Society
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.1122-1158
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• 2017

Government-funded research institutes in the field of science and technology of Korea have contributed to the growth of the national economy and industrial development since the 1960s. However, those institutes recently have faced with criticism over the R&D performance on investment. Accordingly, we suggest two analytical approaches that estimate the economic benefit of the R&D performance of those institutes, (1) 'bottom-up' approach that aggregates the economic benefits of individual performances, e.g., technology transfer, technology support for small and medium enterprises, and the supply of researcher manpower and (2) 'top-down' one that estimates the contribution of those institutes on the economic growth of the industries that the R&D performance of those institutes is mainly utilized. In addition, by applying two approaches, we computed the economic benefit of the performance of the K institute in the 1996-2014 periods at 12.3 trillion won and 29.5 trillion won, respectively. Lastly, we suggest the feasibility of two approaches from the perspective of complementarity. Our study provides analytical approaches that estimate the economic benefit of the R&D performance from government funded research institutes in Korea. Lastly, our study contributes to the understanding of public on science and technology as well as the enhancement of legitimacy on those institutes among the public.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.67-99
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• 2018

This study analyzes the revision bills of the National Assembly Law in the 19th National Assembly in which the National Assembly Advancement Act was enacted, with the question "who are involved in the revision of the procedural rules, and what motivates them?" The cosponsor network analysis focusing on primary sponsors of the revision bills shows that the network was constructed by party affiliations. A small number of members with high degree centrality attempted to cooperate with each other at the cosponsoring stage, but the legislation did not pass through the related committee. In addition, this study tests the four competitive hypotheses (the committee hypothesis, the distributive politics hypothesis, the ideological distance hypothesis, and the partisan affiliation hypothesis) about the motivation to propose amendments by using the regression models which include newly measured variables. Only the committee hypothesis and the partisan affiliation hypothesis are empirically supported. This implies that partisan consideration is still significant in amending the National Assembly Law even after the National Assembly Advancement Act, and thus party leaders' willingness to seek bipartisan compromises is at the heart of problem-solving.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.113-149
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• 2017

This study aims to identify the micro-level, social psychological foundation of regionalism and analyze its change and continuity by comparing 1988, 2003, and 2016 survey results. Drawing on the theory of prejudice and social identity, it clarifies the concept of regionalism and examines its affective, behavioral, cognitive implications. In the empirical analysis, where it takes advantage of relevant questions of the same or similar wording in three nationally representative surveys, the study identifies the changes in regionalism at the individual level focusing on anti-Honam prejudice and discrimination and attribution of regional conflict. First, anti-Honam prejudice has been in decline nationally as well as regardless of where one has grown up, except for Daegu/Kyungpook area. Second, anti-Honam prejudice has been weakened among younger generations while regional party identification now affects the sentiment in the direction of regional cleavage overlapped with ideological leanings. Third, while most respondents do not experience explicit discrimination, Honam natives are still more likely to experience discrimination, especially identity and self-esteem related, due to his or her home town. Fourth, Honam natives have been more likely to attribute regional conflict to an external, structural factor like government economic policy and less likely to a subjective one like regional sentiment, which seems to be consistent with attributional attitudes of the victims of prejudice. The study ends with the discussion of how to reduce further anti-Honam prejudice, which includes contact hypothesis, recategorization, cross-categorization, and de-categorization.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.3-24
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• 2019

This study examined the trends and issues of social media campaign studies from three aspects-campaign strategy, institutional environment regulating the social media, and political effect. Then, this study performed an empirical analysis on the case of the 20th general election in order to discuss the political effect, which has been analyzed the least. Specifically, this study empirically examined the trends of candidates' participation in the twitter campaign, the partial mobilization and voter response, and the platform effect on the election results. The study examined all of the candidates' twitter accounts and traffic and found the following results.-first, the number of participants in the twitter campaign increased significantly compared to the 19th general election, and the campaign was dominated by only two political parties that had more power to mobilize resources; second, it was clearly identified that twitter is a partisan media. where specifically, those in the mainstream of the Democratic Party mobilized much more supporters; and lastly, the twitter campaign has a positive impact on the increase in the rate of votes and chances of winning the election. Particularly, the number of followers and the duration of activities were found statistically meaningful, proving that promotion of networking and social capital is more important in election campaigns.

• The Journal of the Institute of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.25-30
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• 2022

This study is a study on the filter bubble reinforcement phenomenon of SNS recommendation algorithm such as YouTube, which is a characteristic of the Russian-Ukraine war (2022), and the victory or defeat factors of the hybrid war. This war is identified as a hybrid war, and the use of New Media based on the SNS recommendation algorithm is emerging as a factor that determines the outcome of the war beyond political leverage. For this reason, the filter bubble phenomenon goes beyond the dictionary meaning of confirmation bias that limits information exposed to viewers. A YouTube video of Ukrainian President Zelensky encouraging protests in Kyiv garnered 7.02 million views, but Putin's speech only 800,000, which is a evidence that his speech was not exposed to the recommendation algorithm. The war of these SNS recommendation algorithms tends to develop into an algorithm war between the US (YouTube, Twitter, Facebook) and China (TikTok) big tech companies. Influenced by US companies, Ukraine is now able to receive international support, and in Russia, under the influence of Chinese companies, Putin's approval rating is over 80%, resulting in conflicting results. Since this algorithmic empowerment is based on the confirmation bias of public opinion by 'filter bubble', the justification that a new guideline setting for this distortion phenomenon should be presented shortly is drawing attention through this Russia-Ukraine war.

• The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.177-219
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• 2016

A commercial advertisement is not only a way of competition but also a medium of communication. Thus, it is under the constitutional protection of the freedom of business (article 15 of the Constitution) as well as the freedom of press [article 21 (1) of the Constitution]. In terms of the freedom of business or competition, it should be noted that an unfair advertising (false or misleading advertisement) can be regulated as an unfair competition, while any restraint on advertising other than unfair one might be doubted as an unjustifiable restraint of trade. In terms of the freedom of press or communication, it is important that article 21 (2) of the Constitution forbids any kind of (prior) censorship, and the Constitutional Court applies this restriction even to commercial advertising. In this article, the applicability of these schemes to advertising of the so-called learned professions, especially physician, are to be examined, and some proposals for the reformation of the current regulatory regime are to be made. Main arguments of this article can be summarized as follows: First, the current regime which requires advance review of physician advertising as prescribed in article 56 (2) no. 9 of Medical Act should be reformed. It does not mean that the current interpretation of article 21 of the Constitution is agreeable. Though a commercial advertising is a way of communication and can be protected by article 21 (1) of the Constitution, it should not be under the prohibition of censorship prescribed by article 21 (2) of the Constitution. The Constitutional Court adopts the opposite view, however. It is doubtful that physician advertising needs some prior restraint, also. Of course, there exists severe informational asymmetry between physicians and patients and medical treatment might harm the life and health of patients irrevocably, so that medical treatment can be discerned from other services. It is civil and criminal liability for medical malpractice and duty to inform and not regulation on physician advertising, to address these differences or problems. Advance review should be abandoned and repelled, or substituted by more unproblematic way of regulation such as an accreditation of reviewed advertising or a self-regulation preformed by physician association independently from the Ministry of Health and Welfare or any other governmental agencies. Second, the substantive criteria for unfair physician advertising also should correspond that of unfair advertising in general. Some might argue that a learned profession, especially medical practice, is totally different from other businesses. It is performed under the professional ethics and should not persue commercial interest; medical practice in Korea is governed by the National Health Insurance system, the stability of which might be endangered when commercial competition in medical practice be allowed. Medical Act as well as the condition of medical practice market do not exclude competition between physicians. The fact is quite the opposite. Physicians are competing even though under the professional ethics and obligations and all the restrictions provided by the National Health Insurance system. In this situation, regulation on physician advertising might constitute unjustifiable restraint of competition, especially a kind of entry barrier for 'new physicians.'

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.99-147
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• 2016

This paper critically reviews the previous discussion over public engagement with science and technology by Science and Technology Studies literatures with a focus on justification and acceptance. Recent studies pointed out that the "participatory turn" after the late 1990s was followed by confusion and disagreement over the meaning and agency of public engagement. Their discussion over the reproduction of the ever-present boundary between science and society along with so-called late modernity and post-normal science and sometimes through the very processes of public engagement draws fresh attention to the old problem: how can lay participation in decision-making be justified, even if we agree that privileging the position of experts in governance of science and technology is no longer justified? So far STS have focused on two conditions for participatory turn-1) uncertainties inherent in experts' ways of knowing and 2) practicability of lay knowledge. This paper first explicated why such discussion has not been logically sufficient nor successful in promoting a wide and well-thought-out acceptance of public engagement. Then the paper made a preliminary attempt to explain what new types of expertise can support the construction and sustainment of participatory governance in science and technology by focusing on one case of lay participation. The particular case discussed by the paper revolves around the actions of a civil organization and an activist who led legal and regulatory changes in wind power development in Jeju Special Self-governing Province. The paper analyzed the types of expertise constructed to be effective and legitimate during the constitution of participatory energy governance and the local society's support for it. The arguments of this paper can be summarized as follows. First, an appropriate basis of the normative claim that science and technology governance should make participatory turn cannot be drawn from the essential characteristics of lay publics-as little as of experts. Second, the type of 'expertise' which can justify participatory governance can only be constructed a posteriori as a result of the practices to re-construct the boundaries between factual statements and value judgment. Third, an intermediary expertise, which this paper defines as a type of expertise in forming human-nonhuman associations and their new pathways for circulations, made significant contribution in laying out the legal and regulatory foundation for revenue sharing in Jeju wind power development. Fourth, experts' conventional ways of knowing need to be supplemented, not supplanted, by lay expertise. Ultimately, the paper calls for the necessity to extend STS discussion over governance toward following the actors. What needs more thorough analysis is such actors' narratives and practices to re-construct the boundaries between the past and present, facts and values, science and society. STS needs a renewed focus on the actual sites of conflicts and decision-making in discussing participatory governance.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.129
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• pp.111-140
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• 2014

In this paper, the main subjects with which I deal are as follows: (1) Is Distancing Philosophy from the real ruling power a way of practical-philosophical resistance, based on social reformation as a axiological directivity of Kim Tae-Gil's ethical thought, though it is negative type of resistance? Or is it a sort of transformed value-free opportunist behavior which allows antidemocratic ruling group to coerce the people into submission, assuming an uncompromising stand seemingly? (2) Is Kim's defense argument on the opening of the course of National Ethics and the all-out activation of National Ethics education under Park's Yushin Regime derived from his own philosophical belief? Or is it brought out from the external conditions and circumstances surrounding Kim Tae-Gil which forces him to participate in the national undertaking for the settlement of the course of National Ethics in the university? The 'provisional' answers about the two subjects are as follows: (1) Kim's Distancing Philosophy is a type of practical philosophical revolt against the dictatorship power under Yushin Regime, though it is negative form of resistance. We can accept this philosophical elucidation above all by confirming the fact that the reform of reality is the main ethical trait running through his entire ethical thought system. However distancing philosophy disclose the crucial limits to allow itself to boil to the philosophical practice compromising with real ruling power eventually, though it is intended upon its own social ethical directivity and conviction. (2) The primary factor which affects Kim to propose such an advocation argument on the course of National Ethics and the education of National Ethics is the external conditions and circumstances surrounding him, especially the power-relation between he and ruling group and intimate human relation between he and his superior philosophers who carries out the role of a ideologue for the Yushin Regime, rather than his own philosophical belief. But no matter what primary factor, Kim's action to make a advocating argument to support the course and the education of National Ethics is to blame, on that account that he cannot adequately his social responsibility and role given to him as a reformist moral philosopher who will pursue the realization of righteous democratic society. Along with that, It is not too enough to criticize him sharply for such defending action. The reason is that his supporting stance for National Ethics education is brought out, by not adhering closely to the philosophical way of distancing from the dictatorial power devoid of political legitimacy and moral justification.