• Title/Summary/Keyword: 지장보살

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Venerable Kim Ji-jang's Process of Becoming Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva (신라승 김지장(金地藏)의 지장보살화(地藏菩薩化) 과정)

  • An, Yang-gyu
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.38
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    • pp.153-182
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    • 2021
  • The Buddhist monk, Kim Ji-jang (金地藏), a native of Silla, is still revered as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva in China. In Chinese Buddhism, Kim Ji-jang's becoming Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is unique in at least two ways. First, it is said that his becoming the bodhisattva originated not in Silla, but in China, a foreign country. Second, it is said that the historical person became regarded as a mythical being, Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva. The process of Kim Ji-jang's becoming Bodhisattva can be divided into three periods. The first period is the period of entering and practicing at Mount Jiuhua in China, and this also includes the period wherein he was first revered as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva. The second period begins immediately after Kim Ji-jang's death and ends three years later. In this period he became regarded as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva. The third period spans three years after his death to the present age. His status as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva carries on at present. There are two main causes for Kim Ji-jang's transformation into the bodhisattva. The first is an internal bodhisattva process. According to Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva's main vow, Kim Ji-jang's practice and edification impressed the public. The second is an external bodhisattva process. The miracles that appeared at the time of his death or the manifestation of the incorruptible relics three years after his death played a decisive role in the process of Kim Ji-jang becoming a bodhisattva. In line with the public's devotion, the Chinese imperial family repaired and supported the temple that enshrined the relics of Kim Ji-jang. Various factors could be analyzed in the process of Kim Ji-jang's becoming Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva, but more than anything else, it was Kim Ji-jang's severe ascetic practices and his virtuous edification of others.

Nondestructive Deterioration Diagnosis for Wooden Ksitigarbha Triad Statues of Shinhungsa Temple in Sokcho, Korea (속초 신흥사 목조지장보살삼존상의 비파괴 손상도 진단)

  • Han, Na Ra;Lee, Chan Hee;Yi, Jeong Eun
    • Journal of Conservation Science
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    • v.29 no.2
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    • pp.93-102
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    • 2013
  • The wooden Ksitigarbha Triad Statues (Treasure No. 1749) of Shinhungsa temple in Sokcho are enshrined in the inside of the Myeonbujeon Hall. The Statues are highly damaged physical weathering which are crack and exfoliation. Also, the Statues were deteriorated by chemical and biological weathering. This study carried out nondestructive method as deterioration map, ultrasonic measurement, X-ray and endoscopy survey for deterioration evaluation and conservation plan. As a result, Ksitigarbha Statue coated by dust and various pollutants. And gold-gilt of Statue's surface has peeled off. Head part of Mudokguiwang Statue was discolored from water leak in Myeongbujeon Hall. Domyeongjonja Statue is highly damaged by insects. Result of endoscopy, there were bee hives in the inside of the Statue. Therefore, we suggest that these Statues have need to do conservation treatment on the basis of diagnostic results.

Buddhist Images in Myeongbujeon at Magoksa Temple in Gongju (공주 마곡사 명부전 불상 연구)

  • Choi, Sun-il
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.98
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    • pp.130-153
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    • 2020
  • Using stylistic analysis and historical documents, this paper examines the production details of images enshrined in Myeongbujeon (Hall of the Underworld) at Magoksa Temple in Gongju, focusing on the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva and the stone Ten Kings of Hell. Inside Myeongbujeon, the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is placed at the center, flanked by standing images of Mudokgwiwang and Domyeong-jonja, with images of the Ten Kings and their attendants along the walls. All of these images were transferred to Magoksa Temple in the latter half of the 1930s. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva came from Jeonghyesa Temple in Cheongyang, the other sculptures came from Sinheungsa Temple in Imsil, and a painting of the Ten Kings came from Jeongtosa Temple in Nonsan. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is known to have been produced in 1677, around the same time as the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings. A close analysis of the details of the bodhisattva sculpture-including the facial features, body proportions, and drapery characteristics-strongly suggests that it was produced in the 1620s or 1630s by the monk sculptor Suyeon (who was active in the early half of the seventeenth century) or his disciples. In particular, the rendering of the drapery on the lower half of the body closely resembles Buddhist sculptures produced by Suyeon that are now enshrined at Bongseosa Temple in Seocheon (produced in 1619) and at Sungnimsa Temple in Iksan (produced at Bocheonsa Temple in Okgu in 1634). According to the votive inscription, the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings and their attendants were produced in 1677 under the supervision of the monk sculptor Seongil. However, these are the only known Buddhist images produced under Seongil, and no details about other monks involved in the production have ever been found, making it difficult to speculate about their lineage. Historical records do suggest that Seongil worked on other projects to produce or repair sculptures with disciples of the monk sculptors Hyehi or Unhye, indicating amicable relations between the two groups. Unlike most such images in the Honam or Yeongseo regions, the Ten Kings at Magoksa Temple are made from stone, rather than wood or clay. Also, the overall form and the drapery conform to statues of the Ten Kings that were popularly produced in the Yeongnam region. Thus, the images are believed to be the work of monks who were primarily active in Yeongnam, rather than Honam. In the future, a systematic investigation of wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva images and stone Ten Kings of Hell images produced in the Chungnam region could illuminate more details about the production of the images at Magoksa Temple, and perhaps shed light on the conditions that led to the production of stone Buddhist sculptures in the Honam area during the late seventeenth century.

The influence with buddhist music appearing in PanYeombul out of Ogu exorcism of East coast - focused on the song by Kim Janggil - (동해안 오구굿 중 판염불에 나타난 불교음악의 영향 - 김장길의 소리를 중심으로 -)

  • Seo, Jeong-mae
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.34
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    • pp.277-313
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    • 2017
  • This study is to find out the correlation with buddhist music after analyzing the rhythm of six pieces of PanYeombul sung by Kim Janggil out of Ogu exorcism of East coast the findings summarized are as follows. First, PanYeombul by Kim Janggil, performed on Oct, 16, 2016, was composed of , , , , , , , , , , and . Still, even if PanYeombul is performed by the same male shaman, the composition can be added or left out depending on some circumstances, which means the procedures are flexible. Seeing that there is common component of in additoin to compared with Kimyongtaek, it can be said that the component of is an important part in PanYeombul of Ogu exorcism of East coast Second, is usually referred to 'SinmyojangguDaedalani' in buddhist ritual, While Kim yongtaek accepts this practice in title, Kim Janggil uses 'YeomhwajangguDaedalani' as the title which makes his song different from others. Yeomhwa means "picking up flowers with fingers" which has been used in buddhism, not in common Considering this fact, the conclusion can be reached that by using the term 'Daedalani' from a buddhist chant, but making differentiation from buddhism, Kim Janggil is making the effort to be different from buddhist rituals. give some unique meaning to shaman rituals. Third, PanYeombul of Ogu exorcism of East coast may be divided into two main parts - the former part is PanYeombul and the latter part is Jiokga. In performing PanYeombul, male shaman sits singing alone and playing Jing himself, on the other hand, in case of Jiokga, he stands singing a solo with gwaeggwari in his hand accompanied by other musicians with the rhythm of Samgongjaebi. As the song and the accompaniment are in the form of giving and taking like duet. it is in peak in terms of music. Accordingly, PanYeombul can be divided into PanYeombul and Jiokga, But since it is performed by one male shaman and sung a solo, it is usually seen as one procedure. Jing, which is a kind of accompaniment in PanYeombul by Kim Janggil, has the role to distinguish a phrase and settle the musical paragraph. When the buddhist chant with one word-one note is performed. it requires the performer to catch his or her breath or clear throat. Just then, Jing comes out for filling out the intervals. Also, its role to distinguish a phrase and settle the musical paragraph helps make it clear to deliver words. The rhythm of Jing is mostly made up of small triple time except equal small binary time, comes out with overwhelmingly more frequency of Sutsoe(♪♩) than Amsoe(♩♪), and often shows syncopation. By often using Off Beat or short-long rhythm even in accompaniment of equal small binary time, he tris to give some variation to monotonous and equal rhythm for the musical vitality. These are similar to Sutsoe rhythm which can evoke tension and Kim Janggil makes these things his characierisiic of rhythm. Fifth, all the pieces consist of mi, sol, la, do, re and the descending melody like do'${\searrow}$la${\searrow}$sol${\searrow}$mi appears most frequently. The descending melody usually arouses the feeling of sorrow, so the sadness for the deceased is presented properly, which suggests his musical talent. Generally, pieces take on Menari-tori as a whole where the length of sol appears for a short time in descending la${\searrow}$sol${\searrow}$mi of perfect four degrees. Sixth, Even he accepts the lines of buddhist chant, he changes them in some degree. For example, he inserted some words between lines like 'Wonwangsaeng' and 'NamuAmitabul' and added Korean words like hapsosa to the lines of buddhist service written in Chinese character. Also, he inserted some words like 'iiiiiii~' to express the feeling of sadness. These are to maximize the desire of the deceased to go to the heaven and at the same time to diminish the sign of buddhism and strengthen the features of shamanism. Seventh, the effort to decrease the sign of buddhism is made in pasting lines of two songs. For example, Between the last words 'Wonsuaenapsu of Dage and the first words 'Jisimgwimyeongrye' of Chiljeongrye, there is usually a short pause to distinguish paragraphs, But he continues two songs without any pause to get rid of the feelings of buddhist chant. In terms of melody, he makes a distance from buddhist chant in an effort that he gives some traits to shaman rituals which are different from buddhist even if he uses the lines of buddhist rituals. Eighth, the analyzed pieces can be in four categories - no regular melody , , equal small binary time , eotmori melody of ten eighth time with 3+2+3+2 mixed small time . and Samgongjaebi melody 3+2+3 mixed small time . Each piece has its unique melody. Although of buddhist ritual is often performed, by using eotmori melody, he evokes the feeling of shaman and is another example of giving unique characteristic to the shaman of East coast by using Samgongjaebi melody.

Buddhist Sculpture of Late Silla and Early Goryeo Period at Myeongju and the Gulsan School of Seon Buddhism (명주지역 나말여초 불교조각과 굴산선문)

  • Choe, Songeun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.45 no.2
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    • pp.54-71
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    • 2012
  • This paper investigates Buddhist sculptures of the Gulsan-sa School of Seon Buddhism, which was established by the priest Beomil(梵日) at Myeongju(溟州), present-day Gangneung(江陵) area, and prospered until the late Goryeo period. There are very few surviving Buddhist images at Gulsan2 temple-site showing the Buddhist art when Beomil or his disciples, Gaecheong(開淸) and Haengjeok(行寂), were active, except a set of huge stone pillars for temple-banners and a stone monk stupa. It is therefore necessary to focus on pieces of artworks in Gangneung and nearby areas to explore the characteristics of Buddhist art of Gulsan-sa from the late Silla to early Goryeo period. For example, the stone relief seated Buddha image, one of Four Buddhas of Four Directions, and a stone relief of standing Guardian King both from the stone pagoda at Mujin temple-site(無盡寺址) can be compared with stupa reliefs at the capital Gyeongju area in their high quality of carving. The stone octagonal base showing seven lions on each of seven sides at Boheon-sa(普賢寺) demonstrates that it was made as a part of an octagonal lotus pedestal for a Vairocana Buddha now lost. Since Boheon-sa was erected by Gaechung, a disciple of Beomil as a branch of Gulsan-sa, it is fair to assume that the Vairocana image at Boheon-sa might have been closely related to the Buddhist images at Gulsan-sa in its style and iconography. The stone seated Bodhisattva from Hansong temple-site(寒松寺址) displays a benign face, exquisite necklace, and exotic iconography in its hand gesture and high cylindrical crown. The stone seated Buddha at Cheonghak-sa(靑鶴寺), brought from a temple-site where fragments of roof-tiles with the inscription of Heukam-sa(黑岩寺) were discovered, displays the late Silla and early Goryeo period. Heukam-sa seems to have been related to Gulsan-sa or have been one of the branches of Gulsan-sa. Extant fragments of artworks at Myeongju implicate the high quality of Buddhist art of Gulsan-sa in its iconography and style as well as unique features of Gulsan-sa Seon School.

Study on the Inheritance and Transformation of the Goryeo Tradition in the Illustrations of the Sixteen Contemplations of the Amitayurdhyana Sutra of the Early Joseon Dynasty -with the Focus on the Concept of Rebirth in the Pure Land- (조선전기 관경십육관변상도에 보이는 고려 전통의 계승과 변용 -정토인식과 왕생관의 변화를 통해-)

  • Lee, Seung-Hee
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.51 no.1
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    • pp.126-147
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    • 2018
  • The compositions and iconographies of the three Illustrations of the Sixteen Contemplations produced in the early Joseon Dynasty effectively manifest the transitional period of Joseon society as well as the Joseon people's perception of the Pure Land. In particular, the painting at titled Chionji (知恩寺) dated 1435 and another painting at titled Chion' in (知恩院) from 1465, which were commissioned by the Joseon royal family and high-ranking monk, embody the Pure Land faith of the Tiantai School of Buddhism (天台宗) which thrived during the late Goryeo period. This indicates that the Joseon royal court continued to favor the Pure Land faith that emphasized salvation through "self-power" (自力), which was popular among both the royal family and the nobility of Goryeo. On the other hand, in the painting at titled $H{\bar{o}}rinji$ (法輪寺), which is presumed to have been made in the sixteenth century, the compositions and iconographies shown in late Goryeo examples of the Illustrations of the Sixteen Contemplations are disassembled. Moreover, a new iconographical motif, i.e. "welcoming the dragon boat" (龍船接引), emerged with this painting. This motif symbolizes the idea that the souls of the deceased are guided by Amitabha Buddha to rebirth in the Pure Land of Extreme Bliss, which is based on the "other-power" of the Pure Land faith that emphasizes the power of Amitabha Buddha in attaining salvation rather than the educational "self-power" of the Pure Land faith. The emergence of this motif demonstrates the transformation of the Pure Land belief into a faith that relied on the "other-power" of Amitabha in Joseon's Confucian society.