• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.166-182
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• 1994

Kyonggi Province in the late Chosun dynasty was a center of superior government offices including 'Han' River water-road transportation and was located in the middle of an 'X'-shaped arterial road network. Because of these reasons, Kyonggi Province had a faster inflow of commodities, informations and technics compared with the other province. At this period of time, every local 'Eup' (name of administrative district) had not been affected by their above administrative districts and had their own autonomy. For this reason, every 'Eup' could be developed as a town, even if its size was small when it had sufficient internal growing conditions. Moreover, the markets ('Si-Jon') in big towns and periodical markets which were spread over the Kyonggi Province played role of commercial functions of town. And because military bases for the defence of the royal capital in Kyonggi Province also took parts of a non-agricultural city role, Xyonggi Provinc had much more possibilities of growing as a town rather than the other provinces. The towns of the late Chosun Dynasty were, except the capital and superior administrative districts which were governed by the 'You-Su', small towns which had only about 3, 000-5, 000 people. Most of the town dewellers were local officials, nobles, merchants, craftmen and slaves. And the farmers who lived near town became a pseudo-towner through suburb agriculture. Among these people, the merchants were leaders of townization. The downtowns were affected by the landform and traffic roads. The most fundamental function of towns were administrative. The opcial's grade, which was dispatched to the local administrative district ('Kun' or 'Hyun'), was decided by the size of population and agricultural land of each county. Large county which was governed by a high ranking opcial had more possibilities to develop as a large town. Because they supervised other opcials of lower rank and obtained more land and population for the town. The phonomena of farm abandonment after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592-1598 stimulated the development of towns for commercial function. The commercial functions of towns were evident in the Si-Jon or Nan-Jon (names of markets) in the big cities such as Hansung and Kaesung, meanffwhile in the local areas it was emerged in the shape of periodical market networks as allied with near markets (which were called as Jang-Si) or permanent markets which were grown up from periodical markets. These facts of commercial development induced the birth of commercial town. Kyonggi Province showed the weak points of its defense system during both wars (Japanese Invasion in 1592 and Manchu's Invasion in 1636). The government reinforced its defense system by adding 4 'You-Su-Bus' and several military bases. Each local districts ('Eup'), where Geo-Jins were established, were stimulated to be a town while Jin-Kwan system were, adjusted and enforced. Among Dok-Jins(name of solitary military bases), Youngjongjin was grown up as a large garrison town which only played a role of defense. The number of towns that took roles of non-agricultural functions in Kyonggi Province was 52. Among these towns, 29 were developed as big towns which had above 3, 000 people and most of these towns were located on the northwest-southeast axes of 'X'-shaped arterial trafic network in the Chosn Dynasty, This fact points out that the traffic road is one of the important causes of the development of towns. When we make hierarchy of the towns of Kyonggi Province according to its population and how many functions it had, we can make it as 6 grades. The virst grade town 'Hansung' was the biggest central town of administration, commerce and defdnse. The 2nd grade town includes 'Kaesung' which had historical inertia that it had been the capital of the Koryo Dynesty. The 3rd grade towns include some 'You- Su-Bus' such as Soowon, Kanghwa, Kwangju and also include Mapo, Yongsan and from this we can imagine that the commercial development in the late Chosun Dynasty extremely affected the townization. The 4th-6th grade towns had smiliar population but it can be discriminated by how many town functions it had. So the 4th grade towns were the core of administration, commerce and defense function. 5th grade towns had administrative functions and one of commercial and defense functions. 6th grade towns had only one of these functions. When we research and town conditions of each grades as the ratio of non-agricultural population, we can find out that the towns from the 1st grade to 4th grade show difference by degree of townization but from the 4th grade to 6th grade towns do not show big difference in general.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.45-68
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• 2022

The central and local governments of the Republic of Korea provided information necessary for disaster response through wireless emergency alerts (WEAs) in order to overcome the pandemic situation in which COVID-19 rapidly spreads. Among all channels for delivering disaster information, wireless emergency alert is the most efficient, and since it adopts the CBS(Cell Broadcast Service) method that broadcasts directly to the mobile phone, it has the advantage of being able to easily access disaster information through the mobile phone without the effort of searching. In this study, the characteristics of wireless emergency alerts sent to Seoul during the past year and one month (January 2020 to January 2021) were derived through various text mining methodologies, and various types of information contained in wireless emergency alerts were analyzed. In addition, it was confirmed through the population mobility by age in the districts of Seoul that what kind of influence it had on the movement behavior of people. After going through the process of classifying key words and information included in each character, text analysis was performed so that individual sent characters can be used as an analysis unit by applying a document cluster analysis technique based on the included words. The number of WEAs sent to the Seoul has grown dramatically since the spread of Covid-19. In January 2020, only 10 WEAs were sent to the Seoul, but the number of the WEAs increased 5 times in March, and 7.7 times over the previous months. Since the basic, regional local government were authorized to send wireless emergency alerts independently, the sending behavior of related to wireless emergency alerts are different for each local government. Although most of the basic local governments increased the transmission of WEAs as the number of confirmed cases of Covid-19 increases, the trend of the increase in WEAs according to the increase in the number of confirmed cases of Covid-19 was different by region. By using structured econometric model, the effect of disaster information included in wireless emergency alerts on population mobility was measured by dividing it into baseline effect and accumulating effect. Six types of disaster information, including date, order, online URL, symptom, location, normative guidance, were identified in WEAs and analyzed through econometric modelling. It was confirmed that the types of information that significantly change population mobility by age are different. Population mobility of people in their 60s and 70s decreased when wireless emergency alerts included information related to date and order. As date and order information is appeared in WEAs when they intend to give information about Covid-19 confirmed cases, these results show that the population mobility of higher ages decreased as they reacted to the messages reporting of confirmed cases of Covid-19. Online information (URL) decreased the population mobility of in their 20s, and information related to symptoms reduced the population mobility of people in their 30s. On the other hand, it was confirmed that normative words that including the meaning of encouraging compliance with quarantine policies did not cause significant changes in the population mobility of all ages. This means that only meaningful information which is useful for disaster response should be included in the wireless emergency alerts. Repeated sending of wireless emergency alerts reduces the magnitude of the impact of disaster information on population mobility. It proves indirectly that under the prolonged pandemic, people started to feel tired of getting repetitive WEAs with similar content and started to react less. In order to effectively use WEAs for quarantine and overcoming disaster situations, it is necessary to reduce the fatigue of the people who receive WEA by sending them only in necessary situations, and to raise awareness of WEAs.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.535-547
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• 1995

Background: Intensive care units(ICUs) probably represent the single largest identifiable source of infection within the hospital. Although there are several studies on ICU infections in respect to their bacteriology or mortality rate for individual types of ICU, few studies have compared ICU infections between different types of ICU. The aim of this study was to identify clinical differences in bacteremia between medical ICU(MICU) and surgical ICU(SICU) patients. Methods: 256 patients with bacteremia were retrospectively evaluated. Medical records were reviewed to obtain the clinical and bacteriologic informations. Results: 1) The mean age of the patients with bacteremia of MICU($58.6{\pm}17.2\;yr$) was greater than that of all MICU patients($54.3{\pm}17.1\;yr$)(p<0.01), but there was no significant difference in SICU patients(patients with bacteremia of SICU: $56.3{\pm}18.6\;yr$, all SICU patients: $62.0{\pm}16.8$)(p>0.05). ICU stay was longer(MICU patients: $23.4{\pm}40.8$ day, SICU patients: $30.3{\pm}26.8$ day) than the mean stay of all patients($6.8{\pm}15.5$ day)(p<0.05, respectively). Bacteremia of both ICU patients developed past the average day of ICU stay(all MICU patients: 7.9 day, all SICU patients: 6.0 day, MICU bacteremia: 19th day, SICU bacteremia: 17th day of ICU stay)(p<0.05, respectively). 2) There were no significant differences in mean age, sex, and length of stay of both ICU patients with bacteremia. 3) Use of antibiotics or steroid, use of percutaneous devices and invasive procedures before development of bacteremia were more frequent in SICU patients than in MICU patients(prior antibiotics use: MICU 45%, SICU 63%, p<0.05; steroid use: MICU 14%, SICU 36%, p<0.01; use of percutaneous devices: MICU 19%, SICU 39%, p<0.01; invasive procedures: MICU 19%, SICU 61 %, p<0.01). 4) The prevalence of community acquired infections was significantly higher in MICU patients than in SICU patients(MICU 42%, SICU 9%)(p<0.01), whereas SICU patients showed higher prevalence of ICU-acquired infection than MICU patients(MICU 48%, SICU 78%)(p<0.01). 5) There were no differences in causative organisms, primary sites of infection and time interval to bacteremia between both ICUs. 6) There were no significant differences in outcome according to pathogenic organisms or primary sites of infection. 7) The mortality rate was higher in patients with bacteremia than without bacteremia(MICU mortality rate: patients with bacteremia 72.5%, patients without bacteremia 36.0%, p<0.01; SICU mortality rate: patients with bacteremia 40.3%, patients without bacteremia 8.5%, p<0.05), and the mortality rate of MICU bacteremia was significantly higher compared with that of SICU bacteremia(MICU 72.5%, SICU 40.3%)(p<0.01). Conclusion: ICU patients with bacteremia stayed longer before the development of bacteremia, and showed higher mortality than the overall ICU population. The incidence of bacteremia was higher in MICU patients than SICU patients. MICU patients with bacteremia showed higher prevalence of liver diseases and acute respiratory failure, community-acquired bacteremia and greater mortality rate than SICU patients with bacteremia. SICU patients with bacteremia, on the other hand, showed higher prevalence of trauma, prior use of immunosuppressive agents, invasive procedures, and ICU-acquired bacteremia, and lower mortality rate than MICU patients with bacteremia.

• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.117-134
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• 2012

The purpose of this study was to identify the stage of concern, the level of use, and the innovation configuration of Home Economics teachers regarding creativity and personality education in Home Economics(HE) classes. The survey questionnaires were sent through mails and e-mails to middle-school HE teachers in the whole country selected by systematic sampling and convenience sampling. Questionnaires of the stages of concern and the levels of use developed by Hall(1987) were used in this study. 187 data were used for the final analysis by using SPSS/window(12.0) program. The results of the study were as following: First, for the stage of concerns of HE teachers on creativity and personality education, the information stage of concerns(85.51) was the one with the highest response rate and the next high in the following order: the management stage of concerns(81.88), the awareness stage of concerns(82.15), the refocusing stage of concerns(68.80), the collaboration stage of concerns(61.97), and the consequence stage of concerns(59.76). Second, the levels of use of HE teachers on creativity and personality education was highest with the mechanical levels(level 3; 21.4%) and the next high in the following order: the orientation levels of use(level 1; 20.9%), the refinement levels(level 5; 17.1%), the non-use levels(level 0; 15.0%), the preparation levels(level 2; 10.2%), the integration levels(level 6; 5.9%), the renewal levels(level 7; 4.8%), the routine levels(level 4; 4.8%). Third, for the innovation configuration of HE teachers on creativity and personality education, more than half of the HE teachers(56.1%) mainly focused on personality education in their HE classes; 31.0% of the HE teachers performed both creativity and personality education; a small number of teachers(6.4%) focused on creativity education; the same number of teachers(6.4%) responded that they do not focus on neither of the two. Examining the level and type of performance HE teachers applied, the average score on the performance of creativity and personality education was 3.76 out of 5.00 and the mean of creativity component was 3.59 and of personality component was 3.94, higher than standard. For the creativity education, openness/sensitivity(3.97) education was performed most and the next most in the following order: problem-solving skill(3.79), curiosity/interest(3.73), critical thinking(3.63), problem-finding skill(3.61), originality(3.57), analogy(3.47), fluency/adaptability(3.46), precision(3.46), imagination(3.37), and focus/sympathy(3.37). For the personality education, the following components were performed in order from most to least: power of execution(4.07), cooperation/consideration/just(4.06), self-management skill(4.04), civic consciousness(4.04), career development ability(4.03), environment adaptability(3.95), responsibility/ownership(3.94), decision making(3.89), trust/honesty/promise(3.88), autonomy(3.86), and global competency(3.55). Regarding what makes performing creativity and personality education difficult, most HE teachers(64.71%) chose the lack of instructional materials and 40.11% of participants chose the lack of seminar and workshop opportunity. 38.5% chose the difficulty of developing an evaluation criteria or an evaluation tool while 25.67% responded that they do not know any means of performing creativity and personality education. Regarding the better way to support for creativity and personality education, the HE teachers chose in order from most to least: 'expansion of hands-on activities for students related to education on creativity and personality'(4.34), 'development of HE classroom culture putting emphasis on creativity and personality'(4.29), 'a proper curriculum on creativity and personality education that goes along with students' developmental stages'(4.27), 'securing enough human resource and number of professors who will conduct creativity and personality education'(4.21), 'establishment of the concept and value of the education on creativity and personality'(4.09), and 'educational promotion on creativity and personality education supported by local communities and companies'(3.94).

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.

• Journal of Information Management
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• v.6 no.5
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• pp.131-134
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• 1973

본고(本稿)시리이즈의 제1보(第一報)에서 우리는 물리(物理), 사회과학(社會科學) 및 공학분야(工學分野)의 12,442명(名)의 과학자(科學者)와 기술자(技術者)에 대한 정보교환활동(情報交換活動)의 78례(例)에 있어서 일반과정(一般過程)과 몇 가지 결과(結果)를 기술(記述)한 바 있다. 4년반(年半) 이상(以上)의 기간(其間)($1966{\sim}1971$)에서 수행(遂行)된 이 연구(硏究)는 현재(現在)의 과학지식(科學知識)의 집성체(集成體)로 과학자(科學者)들이 연구(硏究)를 시작(始作)한 때부터 기록상(記錄上)으로 연구결과(硏究結果)가 취합(聚合)될 때까지 각종(各種) 정형(定形), 비정형(非定形) 매체(媒體)를 통한 유통정보(流通情報)의 전파(傳播)와 동화(同化)에 대한 포괄적(包括的)인 도식(圖式)으로 표시(表示)할 수 있도록 설정(設定)하고 또 시행(施行)되었다. 2보(二報), 3보(三報), 4보(四報)에서는 데이터 뱅크에 수집(蒐集) 및 축적(蓄積)된 데이터의 일반적(一般的)인 기술(記述)을 적시(摘示)하였다. (1) 과학(科學)과 기술(技術)의 정보유통(情報流通)에 있어서 국가적(國家的) 회합(會合)의 역할(役割)(Garvey; 4보(報)) 국가적(國家的) 회합(會合)은 투고(投稿)와 이로 인한 잡지중(雜誌中) 게재간(揭載間)의 상대적(相對的)인 오랜 기간(期間)동안 이러한 연구(硏究)가 공개매체(公開媒體)로 인하여 일시적(一時的)이나마 게재여부(揭載如否)의 불명료성(不明瞭性)을 초래(招來)하기 전(前)에 과학연구(科學硏究)의 초기전파(初期傳播)를 위하여 먼저 행한 주요(主要) 사례(事例)와 마지막의 비정형매체(非定形媒體)의 양자(兩者)를 항상 조직화(組織化)하여 주는 전체적(全體的)인 유통과정(流通過程)에 있어서 명확(明確)하고도 중요(重要)한 기능(機能)을 갖는다는 것을 알 수 있었다. (2) 잡지(雜誌)에 게재(揭載)된 정보(情報)의 생산(生産)과 관련(關聯)되는 정보(情報)의 전파과정(傳播過程)(Garvey; 1보(報)). 이 연구(硏究)를 위해서 우리는 정보유통과정(情報流通過程)을 따라 많은 노력(努力)을 하였는데, 여기서 유통과정(流通過程)의 인상적(印象的)인 면목(面目)은 특별(特別)히 연구(硏究)로부터의 정보(情報)는 잡지(雜誌)에 게재(揭載)되기까지 진정으로는 공개적(公開的)이 못된다는 것과 이러한 사실(事實)은 선진연구(先進硏究)가 자주 시대(時代)에 뒤떨어지게 된다는 것을 발견할 수 있었다. 경험(經驗)이 많은 정보(情報)의 수요자(需要者)는 이러한 폐물화(廢物化)에 매우 민감(敏感)하며 자기(自己) 연구(硏究)에 당면한, 진행중(進行中)이거나 최근(最近) 완성(完成)된 연구(硏究)에 대하여 정보(情報)를 얻기 위한 모든 수단(手段)을 발견(發見)코자 하였다. 예를 들어, 이들은 잡지(雜誌)에 보문(報文)을 발표(發表)하기 전(前)에 발생(發生)하는 정보전파과정(情報傳播過程)을 통하여 유루(遺漏)될지도 모르는 정보(情報)를 얻기 위하여 한 잡지(雜誌)나 2차자료(二次資料) 또는 전형적(典型的)으로 이용(利用)되는 다른 잡지류중(雜誌類中)에서 당해정보(當該情報)가 발견(發見)되기를 기다리지 않는다는 것이다. (3) "정보생산 과학자(情報生産 科學者)"에 의한 정보전파(情報傳播)의 계속성(繼續性)(이 연구(硏究) 시리이즈의 결과(結果)는 본고(本稿)의 주내용(主內容)으로 되어 있다.) 1968/1969년(年)부터 1970/1971년(年)의 이년기간(二年期間)동안 보문(報文)을 낸 과학자(科學者)(1968/1969년(年) 잡지중(雜誌中)에 "질이 높은" 보문(報文)을 발표(發表)한)의 약 2/3는 1968/1969의 보문(報文)과 동일(同一)한 대상영역(對象領域)의 연구(硏究)를 계속(繼續) 수행(遂行)하였다. 그래서 우리는 본연구(本硏究)에 오른 대부분(大部分)의 저자(著者)가 정상적(正常的)인 과학(科學), 즉 연구수행중(硏究遂行中) 의문(疑問)에 대한 완전(完全)한 해답(解答)을 얻게 되는 가장 중요(重要)한 추구(追求)로서 Kuhn(제5보(第5報))에 의하여 기술(技術)된 방법(방법)으로 과학(연구)(科學(硏究))을 실행(實行)하였음을 알았다. 최근(最近)에 연구(硏究)를 마치고 그 결과(結果)를 보문(報文)으로서 발표(發表)한 이들 과학자(科學者)들은 다음 단계(段階)로 해야 할 사항(事項)에 대하여 선행(先行)된 동일견해(同一見解)를 가진 다른 연구자(硏究자)들의 연구(硏究)와 대상(對象)에 밀접(密接)하게 관련(關聯)되고 있다. 이 계속성(繼續性)의 효과(效果)에 대한 지표(指標)는 보문(報文)과 동일(同一)한 영역(領域)에서 연구(硏究)를 계속(繼續)한 저자(著者)들의 약 3/4은 선행(先行) 보문(報文)에 기술(技術)된 연구결과(硏究結果)에서 직접적(直接的)으로 새로운 연구(硏究)가 유도(誘導)되었음을 보고(報告)한 사항(事項)에 반영(反映)되어 있다. 그렇지만 우리들의 데이터는 다음 영역(領域)으로 기대(期待)하지 않은 전환(轉換)을 일으킬 수도 있음을 보여주고 있다. 동일(同一) 대상(對象)에서 연구(硏究)를 속행(續行)하였던 저자(著者)들의 1/5 이상(以上)은 뒤에 새로운 영역(領域)으로 연구(硏究)를 전환(轉換)하였고 또한 이 영역(領域)에서 연구(硏究)를 계속(繼續)하였다. 연구영역(硏究領域)의 이러한 변화(變化)는 연구자(硏究者)의 일반(一般) 정보유통(情報流通) 패턴에 크게 변화(變化)를 보이지는 않는다. 즉 새로운 지적(知的) 문제(問題)에 대한 변화(變化)에서 야기(惹起)되는 패턴에 있어서 저자(著者)들은 오래된 문제(問題)의 방법(方法)과 기술(技術)을 새로운 문제(問題)로 맞추려 한다. 과학사(科學史)의 최근(最近) 해석(解釋)(Hanson: 6보(報))에서 예기(豫期)되었던 바와 같이 정상적(正常的)인 과학(科學)의 계속성(繼續性)은 항상 절대적(絶對的)이 아니며 "과학지식(科學知識)"의 첫발자욱은 예전 연구영역(硏究領域)의 대상(對象)에 관계(關係)없이 나타나는 다른 영역(領域)으로 내딛게 될지도 모른다. 우리들의 연구(硏究)에서 저자(著者)의 1/3은 동일(同一) 영역(領域)의 대상(對象)에서 속계적(續繼的)인 연구(硏究)를 수행(遂行)치 않고 새로운 영역(領域)으로 옮아갔다. 우리는 이와 같은 데이터를 (a) 저자(著者)가 각개과학자(各個科學者)의 활동(活動)을 통하여 집중적(集中的)인 과학적(科學的) 노력(努力)을 시험(試驗)할 때 각자(各自)의 연구(硏究)에 대한 많은 양(量)의 계속성(繼續性)이 어떤 진보중(進步中)의 과학분야(科學分野)에서도 나타난다는 것과 (b) 이 계속성(繼續性)은 과학(科學)에 대한 집중적(集中的) 진보(進步)의 필요적(必要的) 특질(特質)이라는 것을 의미한다. 또한 우리는 이 계속성(繼續性)과 관련(關聯)되는 유통문제(流通問題)라는 새로운 대상영역(對象領域)으로 전환(轉換)할 때 연구(硏究)의 각단계(各段階)의 진보(進步)와 새로운 목적(目的)으로 전환시(轉換時) 양자(兩者)가 다 필요(必要)로 하는 각개(各個) 과학자(科學者)의 정보수요(情報需要)를 위한 시간(時間) 소비(消費)라는 것을 탐지(探知)할 수 있다. 이러한 관찰(觀察)은 정보(情報)의 선택제공(選擇提供)시스팀이 현재(現在) 필요(必要)로 하는 정보(情報)의 만족(滿足)을 위하여는 효과적(效果的)으로 매우 융통성(融通性)을 띠어야 한다는 것을 암시(暗示)하는 것이다. 본고(本稿)의 시리이즈에 기술(記述)된 전정보유통(全情報流通) 과정(過程)의 재검토(再檢討) 결과(結果)는 과학자(科學者)들이 항상 그들의 요구(要求)를 조화(調和)시키는 신축성(伸縮性)있는 유통체제(流通體制)를 발전(發展)시켜 왔다는 것을 시사(示唆)해 주고 있다. 이 시스팀은 정보전파(情報傳播) 사항(事項)을 중심(中心)으로 이루어 지며 또한 이 사항(事項)의 대부분(大部分)의 참여자(參與者)는 자기자신(自己自身)이 과학정보(科學情報) 전파자(傳播者)라는 기본적(基本的)인 정보전파체제(情報傳播體制)인 것이다. 그러나 이 과정(過程)의 유통행위(流通行爲)에서 살펴본 바와 같이 우리는 대부분(大部分)의 정보전파자(情報傳播者)가 역시 정보(情報)의 동화자(同化者)-다시 말해서 과학정보(科學情報)의 생산자(生産者)는 정보(情報)의 이용자(利用者)라는 것을 알 수 있다. 이 연구(硏究)에서 전형적(典型的)인 과학자((科學者)는 과학정보(科學情報)의 생산(生産)이나 전파(傳播)의 양자(兩者)에 연속적(連續的)으로 관계(關係)하고 있음을 보았다. 만일(萬一) 연구자(硏究者)가 한 편(編)의 연구(硏究)를 완료(完了)한다면 이 연구자(硏究者)는 다음에 무엇을 할 것이냐 하는 관념(觀念)을 갖게 되고 따라서 "완료(完了)된" 연구(硏究)에 관한 정보(情報)를 이용(利用)하여 동시(同時)에 새로운 일을 시작(始作)하게 된다. 예를 들어, 한 과학자(科學者)가 동일(同一) 영역(領域)의 다른 동료연구자(同僚硏究者)에게 완전(完全)하며 이의(異議)에 방어(防禦)할 수 있는 보고서(報告書)를 제공(提供)할 수 있는 단계(段階)에 도달(到達)하였다면 우리는 이 과학자(科學者)가 정보유통과정(情報流通過程)에서 많은 역할(役割)을 해낼 수 있다는 것을 알 것이다. 즉 이 과학자(科學者)는 다른 과학자(科學者)들에게 최신(最新)의 과학적(科學的) 결과(結果)를 제공(提供)할 때 하나의 과학정보(科學情報) 전파자(傳播者)가 되며, 이 연구(硏究)의 의의(意義)와 타당성(妥當性)에 관한 논평(論評)이나 비평(批評)을 동료(同僚)로부터 구(求)하는 관점(觀點)에서 보면 이 과학자(科學者)는 하나의 정보탐색자(情報探索者)가 된다. 또한 장래(將來)의 이용(利用)을 위하여 증정(贈呈)이나 동화(同化)한 이 정보(情報)로부터 피이드백을 받아 드렸을 때의 범주(範疇)에서 보면 (잡지(雜誌)에 투고(投稿)하기 위하여 원고(原稿)를 작성(作成)하는 경우에 있어서와 같이) 과학자(科學者)는 하나의 정보이용자(情報利用者)가 되고 이러한 모든 가능성(可能性)에서 정보생산자(情報生産者)는 다음 정보생산(情報生産)에 이미 들어가 있다고 볼 수 있다(저자(著者)들의 2/3는 보문(報文)이 게재(揭載)되기 전(前)에 이미 새로운 연구(硏究)를 시작(始作)하였다). 과학자(科學者)가 자기연구(自己硏究)를 마치고 예비보고서(豫備報告書)를 만든 후(後) 자기연구(自己硏究)에 관한 정보(情報)의 전파(傳播)를 계속하게 되는데 이와 관계(關係)되는 일반적(一般的)인 패턴을 보면 소수(少數)의 동료(同僚)그룹에 출석(出席)하는 경우 (예로 지역집담회)(地域集談會))와 대중(大衆) 앞에서 행(行)하는 경우(예로 국가적 회합(國家的 會合)) 등이 있다. 그러는 동안에 다양성(多樣性) 있는 성문보고서(成文報告書)가 이루어진다. 그러나 과학자(科學者)들이 자기연구(自己硏究)를 위한 주정보전파목표(主情報傳播目標)는 과학잡지중(科學雜誌中)에 게재(揭載)되는 보문(報文)이라는 것이 명확(明確)한 사실(事實)인 것이다. 이러한 목표(目標)에 도달(到達)할 때까지의 각(各) 정보전파단계(情報傳播段階)에서 과학자(科學者)들은 목표달성(目標達成)을 위하여 청중(聽衆), 자기동화(自己同化)된 정보(情報) 및 이미 이용(利用)된 정보(情報)로부터 피이드백을 탐색(探索)하게 된다. 우리가 본고(本稿)의 시리이즈중(中)에 표현(表現)하려 했던 바와 같이 이러한 활동(活動)은 조사수임자(調査受任者)의 의견(意見)이 원고(原稿)에 반영(反映)되고 또 그 원고(原稿)가 잡지게재(雜誌揭載)를 위해 수리(受理)될 때까지 계속적(繼續的)으로 정보(情報)를 탐색(探索)하는 과학자(科學者)나 기타(其他)사람들에게 효과적(效果的)이었다. 원고(原稿)가 수리(受理)되면 그 원고(原稿)의 저자(著者)들은 그 보문(報文)의 주내용(主內容)에 대하여 적극적(積極的)인 정보전파자(情報傳播者)로서의 역할(役割)을 종종 중지(中止)하는 일이 있는데 이때에는 저자(著者)들의 역할(役割)이 변화(變化)하는 것을 볼 수 있었다. 즉 이 저자(著者)들은 일시적(一時的)이긴 하나 새로운 일을 착수(着手)하기 위하여 정보(情報)의 동화자(同化者)를 찾게 된다. 또한 전(前)에 행한 일에 대한 의견(意見)이나 비평(批評)이 새로운 일에 영향(影響)을 끼치게 된다. 동시(同時)에 새로운 과학정보생산(科學情報生産) 과정(過程)에 들어가게 되고 현재(現在) 진행중(進行中)이거나 최근(最近) 완료(完了)한 연구(硏究)에 대한 정보(情報)를 항상 찾게 된다. 활발(活潑)한 연구(硏究)를 하는 과학자(科學者)들에게는, 동화자(同化者)로서의 역할(役割)과 전파자(傳播者)로서의 역할(役割)을 분리(分離)시킨다는 것은 실제적(實際的)은 못된다. 즉 후자(後者)를 완성(完成)하기 위해서는 전자(前者)를 이용(利用)하게 된다는 것이다. 과학자(科學者)들은 한 단계(段階)에서 한 전파자(傳播者)로서의 역할(役割)이 뚜렷하나 다른 단계(段階)에서는 정보교환(情報交換)이 기본적(基本的)으로 정보동화(情報同化)에 직결(直結)되고 있는 것이다. 정보전파자(情報傳播者)와 정보동화자간(情報同化者間)의 상호관계(相互關係)(또는 정보생산자(情報生産者)와 정보이용자간(情報利用者間))는 과학(科學)에 있어서 하나의 필수양상(必修樣相)이다. 과학(科學)의 유통구조(流通構造)가 전파자(傳播者)(이용자(利用者)로서의 역할(役割)보다는)의 필요성(必要性)에서 볼 때 복잡(複雜)하고 다이나믹한 시스팀으로 구성(構成)된다는 사실(事實)은 과학(科學)의 발전과정(發展過程)에서 필연적(必然的)으로 나타난다. 이와 같은 사실(事實)은 과학정보(科學情報)의 전파요원(傳播要員)이 국가적 회합(國家的 會合)에서 자기연구(自己硏究)에 대한 정보(情報)의 전파기회(傳播機會)를 거절(拒絶)하고 따라서 전파정보(電波情報)를 판단(判斷)하고 선별(選別)하는 것을 감소(減少)시키며 결과적(結果的)으로 잡지(雜誌)나 단행본(單行本)에서 비평(批評)을 하고 추고(推敲)하는 것이 배제(排除)될 때는 유형적(有形的) 과학(科學)은 급속(急速)히 비과학성(非科學性)을 띠게 된다는 것을 Lysenko의 생애(生涯)에 대한 Medvedev의 기술중(記述中)[7]에 지적(指摘)한 것과 관계(關係)되고 있다.