• 지역과문화
• /
• v.7 no.2
• /
• pp.113-132
• /
• 2020

This study explored ways to make tourism resources based on the historical significance and major legacies of Yesan Imjon Fortress and Hongju Juryu Fortress, the center of the war where the core leadership of Baekje Restoration War was located. After the collapse of Baekje, it looked at the process of the restoration war centered on Imjon Fortress, the main characters, Imjon Fortress and Juryu Fortress, and the legends related to the restoration war. The tourism value of Baekje Restoration War is highlighted in terms of location identity and dark tourism. After reviewing cases of similar characteristics to the Baekje Restoration War, the method of tourism resourceization was presented. The elements of resourceization include characters, battles, relics, places, and name legends. Reproduction strategy, experience strategy, hard branding strategy and soft branding strategy were presented. As an example of the reenactment strategy, the Baekgang Battle reenactment event was presented. Experience strategies include walking and Baekje pottery. As for the hard-branding strategy, installation of sculptures of major characters and upgrading of tourist information signs were suggested. Soft branding strategies raised the need for logo marks, catch phrases, character products, video contents, and story maps through the branding of fortresses related to the Baekje Restoration War.

• 지역과문화
• /
• v.6 no.3
• /
• pp.29-53
• /
• 2019

Korean traditional women artists are placed in dual suffering from unequal rights in terms of gender and misrecognition endowed by historical legacy. There has been no clear cut definition but interchangeable adoption of various terms such as Yeo-ak, Yeo-gi, and Gisaeng even in the study of music theory and history itself. Study on female musician has been mostly performed on the basis of music theory and history so that one sided discourse on female traditional artist has survived and aggravated its connotation during the colonial ages and modernization. Envisioning traditional female artist as instrumentalizing their body and status as artist resulted in crucifying victims of sexual harassment is one recent example. This study is an attempt to collect knowledge on the various layers of discourse about the status and role of female traditional artist. This is a first stage of analysis covering the period Joseon dynasty where original and official records regarding female traditional artists remains until today. The findings are that policy discourse are to be classified as politico-ideological layer, music theoretical layer, and socio-political layer. It is to be clarified in the future which layer has the most sustaining influence to the present and why.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.34 no.1
• /
• pp.97-106
• /
• 2016

This study is to suggest the necessity of landscaping alternatives for succession of Takjok(濯足) culture by considering the background and meaning of Takjok's cultural phenomenon shown in old literatures, paintings and ruins of landscape architecture as a front morphemes. Its result is as follows. 1. An old idiom, 'Takyung Takjok(濯纓濯足)' implying a disinterested living attitude from the mundane world and an attitude complying with the nature, has been sublimated to 'Takjokjiyu(濯足之遊)' which means living in comfortable retirement through life in seclusion(隱逸). 2. The meaning of Takjok did not expand into, not only Takyung Takjok, but also into Takcheong(濯淸), Tako(濯吾), and Taksa(濯斯) with continued expansion in its meaning. The spaces the meaning of Takyung Takjok is implied on have also newly expanded into the artificial spaces, including Jeong(亭-pavilion) Jae(齋-house) Heon(軒-eaves), and Ji(池-pond), as well as the natural spaces, including Am(巖-rock) Dae(臺-flat foundation) Dam(潭-deep pond) Ban(盤-dish rock) Seok(石-stone) So(沼-shallow pond) San(山-mountain) Bong(峰-peak), and Cheon(泉-water hole). 3. As seen here, the cultural phenomenon of Takyung Takjok, which have derived from the Dangho(堂號) of buildings, the names of natural objects in Palgyung and Gugok(eight sceneries and nine curves), facilities of Byeolseo garden and Seowon, and the Amgakseo in nature, is worth noting. 4. It should be considered that Takjok includes ordinary people's wisdom to resist the hot weather as well as classical scholar's ideal and the veneration of antiquity. From this perspective, water space, Takjok rocks, and use of water based on the environmental supportability should be newly focused as a recreational space and it reminds us that the spirit of Takjok is a classical mental healing method.

• Korean Security Journal
• /
• no.20
• /
• pp.249-270
• /
• 2009

There have been great demands for various private searches and collecting information activities. but in korea it is still banned to supply private investigation service and to use the term 'private investigation'. So establishment of desirable model for private investigation service system is essential factor in strategic approaching for privatization of policing. In most developed countries private investigation service system is generally permitted and various methods to solve the side effects of that are considered. It is necessary to revise more the Security Business Law to introduce private investigation service system so that the dispute on determining how to do and what to do. It looks like that police agrees with the introduction of the private investigation service system because this could be an option when it comes to the job that its members can take after retirement and because this system helpful their own work. Actually Korea government have tried to prepare the law enactment of the private investigation service system since 1999 but have been failed. This study focuses on implementing the suitable system for private investigation service in Korea, which includes the consideration of the logical validity of the introduction by comparing with other foreign private investigation service system. We should make research and effort to cope with such as a partial amendment about the problem and the side effect that can be happened in a beginning stage of system trial.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.49 no.5
• /
• pp.125-137
• /
• 2021

How can we explain the phenomenon of small, old alleyways in the city becoming rising commercial places attracting people from an aesthetic perspective? This research discusses distinctive aesthetic experiences of urban commercial alleyways, which are located on inner roads and consist of small-scale stores and explore the specific aspects of Sharosu-gil, located in Gwanak-gu, Seoul. The aesthetic experience of urban commercial alleyways is generated by the contrast with the refined urban fabric along main roads in terms of space, the gap between the old and the new, and the antagonism between the known and the less known. The approach to Sharosu-gil consists of the high-rise buildings along the main road built in the 2000s, then encountering low-rise buildings on inside roads built from the late 1970s to the present. Therefore, it is judged that the site has sufficient conditions to generate the aesthetic experience as an urban commercial alleyway. As a result of analyzing the street improvement projects, first, the official announcement of the name 'Sharosu-gil' was interpreted as an escape from the place specificity and garnered the acquisition of the characteristics of an alternative. Secondly, the improvement project for old-established signboards was interpreted as harmony between the new and the old and the loss of temporality. Thirdly, in the pedestrian priority road project, the pavement was interpreted as a reinforcement of the identity as an alleyway and the visualization of the area. Since the reality of urban commercial alleyways depends on the user's visiting, it is necessary to interpret alleyways from the perspective of the senses and aesthetics, not just from social phenomena or capital logic perspective. The study will cast implications for relevant schemes and data-driven research.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.33
• /
• pp.329-354
• /
• 2016

Hyupryulrang was the position that announced the start and end of music in royal ceremonies. It appeared when the royal etiquette was categorized and implemented due to the five etiquette system, which was formed by the influence of Confucianism. Confucianism valued etiquette and music and this aspect was reflected in royal five etiquette, making music involved in royal ceremonies. So there was a need to have a mediator who will announce the insertion of music according to the process of royal ceremonies. For harmonious realization of royal ceremonies and music, hyupryulrang was indispensible. In Korea hyupryulrang appeared in Goryo era and lasted until Joseon era. Hyupryulrang during Joseon was handled by bongsanshi and once was taken by jeonak( 典樂) temporarily but finally was managed by officials in jang-akwon(掌樂院). Among the officials in jang-akwon, jang-akwon jeong(正) mainly served the role but jang-akwon chumjeong(僉正) and jang-akwon juboo(主簿) were sometimes recruited for the role according to circumstances. What was common among jang-akwon jeong, chumjeong, and juboo was that they were all danghakwan(堂下官). Danghakwan was an official who had the fundamental limitation of not being able to participate in policy making so was in a lower position compared to dangsangkwan. Meanwhile, according to circumstances of ceremonial process or the characteristics of ceremonies, gyeraseonjeonkwan(啓螺宣傳官), mushingyungseonjeonkwan(武臣兼宣傳官), and yeojipsa(女執事) were recruited as hyupryulrang instead of officials of jang-akwon, so that there would be no problems in ceremonies and performance of music. The activities of hyupryulrang can be summarized as setting up or laying down hui in most ceremonies that involved band. At night, however, as hui(麾) was invisible, jochok(照燭) or sometimes geumgogi(金鼓旗) was used. As for the term that referred to hyupryulrang, in case of royal banquet, the names of the ceremonial tools were borrowed such as geohuichabi(擧麾差備) and jochokchabi(照燭差備). The location of hyupryulrang was in the west on top of seogye(西階) facing toward the east, which was a position where hyupryulrang could watch the ceremonial process easily and be close to the band. That is, it was a position where one can see the space of ceremony and the space of music at the same time. Also, hyupryulrang was involved in musical parts related to ceremonies such as rehearsals, arrangement of the band, controlling the speed of music, and prevention of missing any musical pieces, and was in charge of such tasks. Hyupryulrang, who had to take charge of music in accordance with ceremonial procedure, was a mediator between royal ceremonies and music.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.37
• /
• pp.1-52
• /
• 2021

The Naejeong, the inner court, which is one of the structures found in the temple complexes of Daesoon Jinrihoe. It serves the function of leading and controlling the operation and direction of Korean religions in general. Considering that the dictionary meaning of 'Naejeong' is 'a place to manage the affairs of the state from inside a palace,' the name and function of the structure appear to be in harmony. However, in the Daesoon Jinrihoe context, it is said that the name 'Naejeong (內庭 'Neiting' in Chinese)' is related to a verse from a Daoist scripture. It has not been revealed whether or not the scripture is historical, and what contents or contextual meanings it contains. This study tries to pursue this matter and introduce the original source of the Naejeong in Daesoon Jinrihoe as likely coming from Qianbapinxianjing (前八品仙經, The Former Scripture of the Eight Phases That Reveal the Means to Acquire Immortality). This scripture was compiled in Lüzu-quanshu(呂祖全書, The Entire Collection of Ancestor Lü). This text and its contextual meanings will also be examined. The origin of Qianbapinxianjing dates back to either the late Ming Dynasty or the early Qing. In those days, there existed a group of literati who worshipped Ancestor Lü because he had saved people and taught the art of immortality. The group organized Daoist Spirit-Writing Altars (鸞壇道敎) and invoked the spirit of Ancestor Lü. They were said to have been taught through messages received from spirit-writing sessions (降乩) with Ancestor Lü and several Daoist scriptures were composed by them in this manner. At Immortals-Gathering Pavilion (集仙樓) of Wandian (萬店) in Guangling (廣陵), China, some literati in that group conducted a spirit-writing session with Ancestor Lü between 1589 and 1626, and they produced a scripture which contained the passage, "A crow and a rabbit gather in the middle valley (烏兎結中谷) while a turtle entwined with a snake is in the inner court (龜蛇盤內庭)." They titled the scripture, The Five Movements and Filial Piety (五行端孝). This passage symbolically expresses the accomplishment of immortality in Neidan (internal alchemy) which, within the human body, combines the two energies of yin and yang which are Water and Fire in the Five Movements scheme. This kind of cultivation is said to be achieved only by maintaining the highest possible degree of filial piety. In this context, the Naejeong where a turtle is entwined with a snake (龜蛇合體) was a term that symbolically depicted a place wherein one transforms into an immortal through cultivation. The Five Movements and Filial Piety was included in Qianbapinxianjing after it had been compiled with the other scriptures containing Ancestor Lü's teachings. In 1744, Qianbapinxianjing was included in Lüzu-quanshu, the entire 32-volume collection of Ancestor Lü and printed for the first time. This underlies the belief in Ancestor Lü (呂祖信仰) which embraces the idea of the redemption of people, teaches the arts of immortality, and features Daoist Spirit-Writing Altars, filial piety, the art of Neidan, and the combination of Water and Fire.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.37 no.4
• /
• pp.81-97
• /
• 2019

The purpose of this study is to examine what people in Korea recognize the cultural symbolism and the planting patterns of 'Guǐmok', pagoda tree(Sophora japonica). The species planted in the 'Guǐjeong' was empirically investigated and analyzed to determine which species of pagoda tree or Zelkova tree(Zelkova serrata) was taken through literature surveys, field surveys, and interviews with persons. This 'Guǐjeong' was combined to track how the culture of the 'Guǐmok' planting introduced in China was ultimately accepted and transformed in Korea. In this study, we tried to analyze the meaning implicit in the mystery while checking the distribution of the mystery and the form of the mystery, the name of the pavilion and its relevance to the contrast medium. Essentially, the trees that govern the characterization of the nectar plant, regardless of the region, are considered to be a pagoda tree, which is considered an internal factor in which the pagoda tree culture was not completely transformed into a zelkova tree. It was recognized throughout the Joseon Dynasty that the species representing 'Prime ministers(三公)' was judged from all the Joseon Dynasty periods, based on the builder of Guǐjeong's Aho(雅號) and Dangho(堂號). It was confirmed that the tree was very likely to be planted in place of the painting tree. But now is selectively zelkova tree is in accordance with the preparation of planting site conditions and areas on behalf of the Change is very high probability that is planted. Cultural variables that led to the cultural transformation of the 'Guǐmok' seem to have been deeply involved in the geographical space of China and Korea, Confucian practices of the Choson society, comings and goings and letter bridge, and network strength with China through the book spread. In addition, the culture of 'Guǐmok' is presumed to have led to cultural custom of the upper class, not the whole class, in the Yeongnam region, it can be said that the independent adaptation to act to recognize 'Guǐmok' as a pagoda tree, that is a Sophora japonica, has occurred very strongly. The difference between the cultural areas of Yeongnam and non-Yeongnam is also considered to be an internal factor that has played a major role in the cultural transformation of planting of 'Guǐmok'.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.28
• /
• pp.3-33
• /
• 2011

The Office of Crown Properties was established to manage the property of royal properties as an institution belonging to the Department of the Royal Household in April, 1895. However, as the Great Han Empire established and various policies enforcing the power of the emperor became introduced, the Office of Crown Properties came to be expanded to a large financial agency that would be in charge of various financial sources such as Public Land and Maritime Tax. As the Office of Crown Properties came to manage various income sources, it classified the documents dealing with various government agencies in the Capital and other countryside regions by the unit of Section. The Office of Crown Properties classified the documents by Section and filed them according to Sending/Receiving subject. Sometimes, it filed one kind of document only but sometimes many different kinds of documents were filed together. The types of the document can show the characteristics of the document and the hierarchy of the related agencies through the document name. The fact that they filed the documents with different grades in one file shows that the hierarchy of the agency they dealt with was not the primary standard of the filing and that they did not file the documents by its type. The Office of Crown Properties did not file the related documents in the same file, either. We can say the documents are related if they were corresponded with other agencies while they dealt with a specific item. However, they did not file the related documents in the same file but distinguished sending documents from receiving documents. The reason why they filed different kind documents in the same file and separated the related documents in different file was they took 'whether they were sent or received' as the primary filing standard. They separated the sending documents from the receiving documents first and then filed them according to time regardless of the region or institution. The Office of Crown Properties primarily classified the documents by Section, classified the documents with the standard of whether they were receiving documents or sending documents and then filed them in a file according to the time. It means that the Office of Crown Properties came to create the Official Document Classification and filing system.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.38 no.5
• /
• pp.686-700
• /
• 2003

In Korea, aside from their official administrative names, aliases of each province or some regions are widely used not only today but also during the Joseon period when the provincial system as local administrative system was firmly implemented. Of aliases, the most representative were Giho, Gwandong, Hoseo, Haeseo, Honam, Yaeongnam, Gwanseo, and Gwanbuk representing the eight provinces (precisely, Gyeonggi and seven provinces) of Chosun Dynasty, as well as Yeongdong and Yeongseo that represent the east and the west of Gangwon-do. These aliases are mostly based on topographical features and physiographical elements, and compared to the official names of eight provinces which depended solely on city names. Of aliases, some appeared in literature during 13-l4th centuries, and all provincial aliases seem to have been widely used after the late 15th century. Aliases continued to be used for 500 to over 700 years. Aliases of eight provinces, geographically, played not lesser role than their official names. Aliases of the eight provinces and regions during the Chosun Dynasty that have been handed down are considered as holding their places' cultural and historical backgrounds, and have become important enough to be accepted as a unit of geographical regional division. The origin and meaning of aliases of each province have been partially disclosed to the geographical circle and the general public. However, the details should be reviewed. First of all, Gwan in Gwanbuk, Gwanseo and Gwandong, as well as Yeong in Yeongnam, Yeongdong and Yeongseo, are each considered as meaning Sobaek Mountain Range and Taebaek Mountain Range with many borderline areas (borders) and military strategic hubs. Also, Ho in Honam, Hoseo, and Giho, are considered as based on the Geum River and Eurimji, and Haeseo are considered as meaning the west of the Gyeonggi Bay, and having relevancy with the first letters of Haeju and Seoha (Pungcheon).