• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.25
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• pp.5-27
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• 2006

This paper aims at examining how sijo works, including ancient sijo works, those published before the 1960s, those written by China-residing Koreans, and those published in the 2000s, convey the poetic meaning in terms of sentence structure. Firstly, ancient sijo works, those published before the 1960s, and those written by China-residing Koreans, have sentences. whose meaning the readers can easily grasp, with simple structures and little rhetoric words. But moderns works published In the 2000s (modern sijo works after) are mingled with too many rhetoric expressions, sometimes misused. Secondly, ancient sijo works, those published before the 1960s, and those written by China-residing Koreans, having a clarified subject-verb context. are easily understood by the readers. But, in modern sijo works, there are many cases with an unclarified subject-verb context and redundant rhetoric words, which will cause misunderstanding of the meaning of the work. Thirdly, in ancient sijo works. those published before the 1960s and those written by China-residing Koreans, each of the three statements (called in) in a stanza is separate from the others in context. But, in some modern sijo works, the first and second statements (called chojang and jungjang) fall into just rhetoric parts for the last statement (called jongjang), and each of them is not read as an independent statement. Fourthly, there are some cases whose forms are distant from those of siio works. but are written in three statements like traditional sijo works. Regular poems, though written in regular rhythm, should be also acoustically regular. Sijo works should be easily understood when recited. If not, they are basically far from sijo works. If modern sijo works should overcome their easy expressions and simplicity of themes, they should be composed through using not complicated sentence structures but brand-new metaphors, clear images, and fresh themes.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.21
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• pp.47-76
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• 2004

Newly discovered ${\lceil}Gogeummyeongjakga{\rfloor}$ is a copy collection of the old poetry SI-JO, which is specified in the book of yellow Gojeongji. {$\lceil}Gogeummyeongjakga{\rfloor}$ is guessed to be copied before the 17th year of King Yeongjo's reign(1740) and thus it's the early collection in the history of the Korean verse, Shijo. According to our research, there are 78poems in the collection and nine out of them hasn't been yet reported to the Korean Academy. The characteristics of Shijo in the book are followed. First. The collection is different from other books since the book was written in Korean instead of Chinese characters, which shows the uniqueness of the Korean literature in the late 17th and the early 18th century. Secondly, there are different versions of a poem in the collection, which is quite unusual in the other collections. There are different words or phrases used in different versions and even the whole verse is modified in some cases. Thirdly. two out of newly discovered nine short lyric songs is transformed from and that are kind of Chinese Ak-Bu. By the way, the compiler of ${\lceil}Gogeummyeongjakga{\rfloor}$ seemed to understand the co-relation between Ak-Bu and Shijo. and that's why he chose transformed Shijo from Ak-Bu not Chinese poetry. Among nine poems, <9> and <10> are newly discovered responding songs unknown up till now.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.22
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• pp.143-171
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• 2005

Sip and Byul-Gok (New tunes), as folks musics, are musical concepts opposite to that of the Court musics. They have the tunes. typical and universal. and Byul-Gok for singing. has the words in which the properties of melodies in the structures of compositions are reflected harmoniously. The Song. or Shiga. in Koryo-Sa, History of Koryo. Acjee and Acjanggasa. named ByulGok. is divided into two types. according to the characteries of the forms.: Koryo Sokyo. or the folk songs in Koryo. such as Chengsanbylulgok. and Segyoungbyulgok. and Kyonggichega, or nobility songs in Koryo and Chosen Dynasty. such as Hallimbyulgok. Kwandongbyulgok. and Jucgyebyulgok. In addition. Gasa. or the nobility and folk songs in Chosen Dynasty. such as K wandongbyulgok. also has the title. Byul-Gok. Even though these types of the songs have the same tittle. Byul-Gok, it is not appropriate that Byul-Gok is used as a term described as a branch of the literature: in light of music. they have the properties in common in the sense that they are opposite to the Court music. but. in light of literature. their forms are very different from one another. Therefore, it is appropriate that they are classified according to the characteristics of the forms, winters, the ideology of people who enjoy them, and periods: Sokyo, Kyonggichega, and Gasa. Byul-gok means not only the folks songs opposite to the court musics, but also the songs by setting words to the melodies present. Orignal tunes and their new tunes are not different musical compositions, but the same ones with the melodies which Korean acquired transcendentally. It is general tendency, at those times, that after compositions were made, words are set to them. Such words represent the politic thought in which courtesy and music are considered important. and the spirit with which the ruler and the people enjoy together.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.4 no.3
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• pp.275-279
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• 1989

한국의 고전문학은 주로 한문으로 되어 있으며 이것은 그만큼 중국의 영향을 많이 받았다는 것을 의미한다. 그 중에서도 술과 관계된 문학에서는 그 생산에 있어 특히 누각(樓閣), 정자(亭子)라는 특수한 장소를 생각하지 않을수가 없다. 누정은 사방을 바라볼 수 있는 다락 모양의 건축물로 산수 좋은 높은 곳에 세워졌다. 이 누정(樓亭)은 문학 특히 시의 산실로서 옛날의 많은 선비들은 누정(樓亭)에 모여 의례히 술잔을 돌리면서 시회(詩會)를 열었다. 누정(樓亭)과 관계된 문학자료는 한없이 많으며 이 누정(樓亭) 문학에는 한결같이 술이 게재되어 있으므로 누정과 문학, 그리고 술은 불가분의 관계에 있다. 시조문학과 술과의 연관된 노래는 많은 부분을 차지하고 있는데 특히 시조의 대가이며 술의 달인이랄 수 있는 면앙정종순(?仰亭宗純), 송강, 정철이나 임백호(林白湖)의 시조와 고려때의 이규보(李奎報)의 시 들에서 그 면모를 엿볼 수 있다. 결국 문학과 술의 공통성은 진실에 있기 때문에 서로 가까워진 것이 아닌가 한다.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.30
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• pp.21-52
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• 2009

This study observed what roles and identity the Taoist Hermits have when they appear in Korean Verse, SiJo, which was preoccupied by the illustrious-officials in Choseon Dynasty. This study has found that languages of Taoist Hermit frequently appear in SiJo, through the historical study documents focusing on only the mountain wizards in terma of the genre, SiJo. Of those terms used by Taoist Hermit, most prominent was 'JeokSongJa', which was expressed as that sought by the illustrious-officials-they were using the sentence, 'I will follow JeokSongJa' to the extent that it is an idiom. This suggests that the illustrious officials in ChoSeon Dynasty meant if one was going to be entitled to become a Taoist Hermit, he should seek 'JeokSongJa' first. We can see those illustrious officials were using the words with a ideological tone, affected by then 'JangRyang' or 'BeomRyo' who were devoting themselves to finding 'JeokSongJa' with a belief that they could become a Taoist Hermit and live forever, which had been handed down as a legend or a myth. Meanwhile, Li Po is a profile who can not considered, separately in the history of Korean Literature. Li Po recited poems, as a great poet and a hard drinker, who were incited in SiJo of those illustrious officials as a intimate person. In contrast, among those who were accepted as a negative profile, were a Chinese Emperor JinSi and HanMuje. These two emperors, who were looking for a herb of eternal youth and Mt. BongRae, figures who had lost their positions in the real political circle. In addition, they couldn't make their dreams to get perennial youth and long life come true, which stimulated the illustrious officials of that time to recite those poems indicating there is no ideal Utopia so it's better be satisfied with the reality living up to the realistic idea of Confucianism. In this sense, those two emperors are negative. There are also women Taoist Hermits present in SiJo, including MaGo nymphs, SeoWangMo, MuSanShinNyo, and Hang-A. MaGo nymphs were grandmothers who superintend the longevity, often incited as a beautiful woman; SeoWangMo was a Toast Hermit who had an elixir of life; MuSanShinNyo is a beautiful woman who was representing the attachment of cloud friendship; and Hang-A is expressed as a goddess who betrayed her husband and as a result staying lonely in the moon palace. These women goddesses were characterized by their beautiful appearances, generous and delicate personalities. widely incited in romantic poems.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.22
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• pp.115-142
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• 2005

Woman is individual than social. passive than active and defensive than offensive. In addition. they taught that these characters are femine in the middle ages and the feudal ages. The closed and limited society was common to women in the feudal society. But there were many classes in women society from the humble maids to the queen in Chosun Dynasty. And Kisaeng(a singing and dancing girl) was free in comparison with the noble women. But Kisaeng were also limited as woman. They could write literary works according to the playing with poems and something like that with the men of intellectual class. But this also gave them sorrows. In the feudal Chodun Dynasty. men recognized the noble women specially and this is the special quality of Chosun. The Confucianism which was the existense thought of Chosun. discriminated between men and women. But women studied secretly and wrote poems pouring their thoughts and emotions. Maechang wrote many Shijo (Korean verse) with the delicacy description and the real expression. The reason Chosun woman Maechang could wrote Shijo which is free from the feudal limitations is that she was Kisaeng, She had a love as a Kisaeng who had to play with the intellectual men. But she loved Yu hee-kyoung. So she preserved chastity for him and waited only him. This is the love of both body and soul. And love with Hu kyoon friendship which is far from love. The limited love because of the spatial parting and the discrepancy of the social position is the most sorrowful. 10 years love with the intellectual men such as Hu kyoon is a friendship with poems. It was not love, so they had to temperate. So they love each other as a literary friend. We can see the feminist Hu kyoon, and see Hu kyoon who loved the literature and assert the renovation. Maechang was free from the chastity but she preserved it because of her proud. She dreamed the fairyland as Hunansulhun. Because she couldn't realize love. She ended her literature and Kisaeng life at 38 years old. There are literature of nansulhun as a noble woman and of rnaschang as a Kisaeng in Chosun Dynasty.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.482-489
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• 1998

두부는 오래전부터 우리나라를 비롯하여 중국, 일본 등 동양권에서는 물론 이제는 구미지역에 이르기까지 각광을 받는 식품으로 부상하고 있다. 두부가 문헌상으로 나타나기 시작한 것은 지금으로부터 약 2,000년전인 중국 한나라때다. 한고조의 손인 회남왕 유안(B.C178-122)이 저술한 만필술에 두부만드는 법이 기록되어 있어 두부제조의 시조를 회남왕으로 보고 있으며, 우리나라에 전래되어 온 시기는 분명치 않으나 고려말 또는 그 이전이었으리라는 추측이 지배적이다.(중략)

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.313-320
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• 2022

Recently, the keyword 'convergence' has emerged in the education field. The voice of demand for the humanities is also increasing. The range of convergence of the humanities is gradually spreading to various fields such as science, technology, engineering, and the arts field. And also, the trend is to nurture the future creative convergence talent with logical, comprehensive, and creative thinking through the fusion of humanities, scientific, and empirical theories. Myths and legends contain the content of humanity's culture creation and deal with matters such as religion, philosophy, art, and science. Therefore, through the consciousness of the ancients who lived in the so-called convergence era when academic differentiation did not occur, it will be possible to reflect on the appearance of sages. In this paper, we propose a method for educating Chinese culture through the analysis of by Wen Yi-Duo, a famous Chinese scholar. He sought to find the origin of Chinese culture through myths and legends and to find national identity by restoring the concept of national culture in the period of origin. The myths and legends of China are closely related to the cultural phenomena of modern China, which will further enhance our understanding of China.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.169-211
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• 2004

As for the "Guang-Xi(廣西)", "Dong-Shan(東山)", "Yao-Ju(瑤族)", folklore culture to achieve the substratum (New Year manners and customs, a passage rites, folk belief, dwelling folklore, agriculture and a farming machine) generally very received an influence of "Han-zu(漢族)" for the reason that an interchange was active early with "Han-zu(漢族)". However, a traditional form of "Yao-Ju(瑤族)" is covered the base with. Even if it is a national holiday commemorateing the birth of the "Pan-Gu(盤古)" which is ancestors of all "Yao-zu(瑤族)" during New Year manners and customs, songs as "ku-jia(哭嫁)" consisting at the time of marriage during a lot of ritual, "zhaoxu-hun (招婿婚)" and the "liangtou-che(兩頭扯)" marriages which are a classic marriage of "Yao-zu(瑤族)", a ritual format, master "Shi-Gong(師公)" of faith of "Yao-zu(瑤族)" are. Also, a difference is in dwelling folklore related to construction or this very much in "Han-zu(漢族)" and the various sides. It is the part where toilets to use are quite different from the Korean race in a tool, the outside written with the dwelling formal characteristics that are structure, "the ceremony of putting up the ridge beam" in, for example, two folds. Agriculture and a farming machine are basically similar to it of the Korean race, but it is a degree with some transformation by environment and the local cause.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.27
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• pp.267-361
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• 2008

This article traces how the modern Chinese "nation" was constructed as an "imagined community" around Huang-ti (the Yellow Emperor) in late Qing. Huang-ti was a legendary figure in ancient China and the imperial courts monopolized the worship of him. Many late Qing intellectuals appropriated this symbolic figure and, through a set of discursive strategies of "framing, voice and narrative structure," transformed him into a privileged symbol for modern Chinese national identity. What Huang-ti could offer was, however, no more than a "public face" for the imagined new national community, or in other words, a formal structure without substantial contents. No consensus appeared on whom the Chinese nation should include and where the Chinese nation should draw its boundaries. The anti-Manchu revolutionaries emphasized the primordial attachment of blood and considered modern China an exclusive community of Huang-ti's descent. The constitutional reformers sought to stretch the boundaries to include the ethnic groups other than the Han. Some minority intellectuals, particularly the Manchu ones, re-constructed the historic memory of their ethnic origin around Huang-ti. The quarrels among intellectuals of different political persuasion testify how Huang-ti as the most powerful cultural symbol became a site for contests and negotiations in the late Qing process of national construction.