• Title/Summary/Keyword: 중국경전

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The Distribution of Vascular Plants Recorded in the Hangul Tripitaka (한글대장경에 기록된 관속식물의 분포)

  • Park, Hee-Jun;Paik, Weon-Ki
    • Korean Journal of Plant Resources
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    • v.27 no.5
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    • pp.576-587
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    • 2014
  • The purpose of this research is to classify various plants written in the Korean Buddhist scriptures and assign scientific name to them in accordance with the Hangul Tripitaca as standard scriptures, thereby establishing the foundation of the plants in Buddhist scriptures. As a natural resource, we also assessed the value of the plants written in the Buddhist scriptures that distributed from other countries. To this end, we inferred the route of introduction to Korea of the plants and investigated their function and usage. Taxonomic classification of the plants written in Buddhist scriptures identified a total of 331 taxa belonging to 107 families, 244 genera, 313 species, 1 subspecies, 16 varieties, 1 forms. Species composition of the 331 taxa of plants consisted of two taxa of pteridophyte, 15 taxa of gymnosperm, 261 taxa of dicotyledon, and 53 taxa of monocotyledon. Among them, 183 and 148 were woody and herbaceous plants, respectively. Analysis of the distribution of 331 kinds of plants that India's portion of origin of place is 8.9% which holds a low rank compared with those of Korea (10.5%), China (10.9%), and Japan (10.0%). This explains why many taxa of plants distributed from the three countries appeared in the Hangul Tripitaca. Accordingly, we hypothesized that the majority of the plants were added and replaced at some point in past while Buddhist scriptures were propagated from India to China and from China to Korea. Our analysis indicated that 119 out of the 331 taxa (36 %) were distributed from Korea.

A study on the awareness about "Dong-YI(東夷)" in Confucianism scripture (유교경전의 동이 인식에 관한 연구 - 13경 및 그 주석서를 중심으로 -)

  • Ham, HyunChan
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.30
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    • pp.123-159
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    • 2010
  • Dongyi (Chinese: 東夷; pinyin: $D{\bar{o}}ngy{\acute{i}}$; Wade-Giles: Tung-yi; literally "eastern 'barbarians'") was a collective term for people in eastern China and in the east of China. People referred to as Dongyi vary across the ages. The early Dongyi culture was one of earliest neolithic cultures in China. According to the earliest Chinese record, Zuo Zhuan, the Shang Dynasty was attacked by King Wu of Zhou, while attacking Dongyi, and collapsed afterwards Dongyi culture was one of the oldest neolithic cultures in China. Some Chinese scholars extend the historical use of Dongyi to prehistoric times, according to this belief, the neolithic culture correlates to Houli culture, Beixin culture, Dawenkou culture, Longshan culture and Yueshi culture, five evolutionary phases. Deliang He, thinks that Dongyi culture used to be one of the leading cultures in neolithic China. The writing system of Dongyi was one of the oldest writing systems in neolithic China. There are opinions that the 20 pictogram characters discovered in a Dongyi tomb (山東?縣大汶口墓葬) in Shangdong indictates some of the characters found, like "旦, 越, 斤, 皇, 封, 酒, 拍, ?", are still used in Chinese characters. There are also opinions that Dongyi people were the inventor of arrows. Some classic Chinese history records like Zuo Zhuan, Shuowen Jiezi, Classic of Rites, all have some similar records about this. [3][4] The legendary god of archery in Chinese mythology, Houyi, could also be a Dongyi leader. Based on archeology findings, Dongyi people's ancestral worship totem is bird-shaped. In the meantime, The fundamental thing that Koreans should do is to find out Korean identy. Koreans cannot achieve their goals unless they enforce politics economics, educations, etc. in harmony with their own identity. However, some people say that Koreans do not have any dentity on the grounds that there is no Korean traditional thought. This view is, however, absolutely absurd because it is impossible for a nation to exist for oner five thousand years without having it's own native characteristics. The most essential thought in Korean identity is Confucius' In(仁). In is originated from Yi(夷) or Yi-jok(夷族)'s heart. On this account, Confucius' In can be a precious thought to Korean people who have been suffering from many problem caused by the absence of Korean identity. If Korean could understand their original characteristics and if Korean couldrealize that their original characteristics are Confucius' In, then our culture and identity recovery of though may maximize efficiency of country and society development.

한국(韓國) 『상서(尚書)』학(學) 연구(硏究)의 회고(回顧)와 전망(展望)

  • Jin, Yeok-Ryeong
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.57
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    • pp.201-229
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    • 2014
  • 한국에서의 유가(儒家) 경전의 수용은 삼국시대에 시작되었으며, 이는 신라(新羅)시대 태학(太學) 교육 중의 한 과목이 "상서(?書)"였다는 "삼국사기(三國史記)"의 기록을 통해 알 수 있다. "상서(?書)"는 고대 정치제도 및 정치사상과 매우 긴밀한 관련을 갖는 경전인 까닭에 중국뿐만 아니라 한국에서도 통치자들의 시정방침(施政方針)상의 중요한 근간(根幹)이 되었다. 이러한 연유로 "상서(?書)" 연구를 통해서 경서 내용을 알게 될 뿐만 아니라 그 시대의 정치사상도 알 수 이해하게 될 것이다. 그런데 한국에 있어서 경학 연구는 중국과 달리 전통적 사서오경(四書五經) 혹은 십삼경(十三經)이 아니라 "사서삼경(四書三經)"을 중심으로 전개되었다. 또한 개별 경전에 대한 연구를 기준으로 살펴보면, "사서(四書)"의 경우, 특히 "논어(論語)"에 대한 연구가 집중적으로 이루어졌다. 삼경(三經)의 경우, "주역(周易)"이나 "시경(詩經)"은 이미 많은 연구가 이루어졌으나, 한국에서 "상서(?書)" 연구는 아직 전자만큼 활발히 이루어지지 못하고 있다. 또한 성균관대학교에 발간한 "한국경학자료집성(韓國經學資料集成)"을 살펴보면, 한국 경학 저술 총 145권 가운데 "상서(?書)" 부분이 22권을 차지하고 있다. 즉 거의 6분의 1이 "상서(?書)" 관련 저술이라고 할 수 있다. 본고는 "학술총람"과 공구서(工具書) 전자 시스템에 수록된 1901년부터 2014년 상반기에 이르기까지의 100여 년 동안 한국(韓國)에서 발표된 "상서(?書)" 관련 학술단행본 학위논문 학술지논문 등을 검토하고, 이를 통해 한국에서의 "상서(?書)"학(學) 연구(硏究)를 회고(回顧)하고 또 그 미래를 전망(展望)해 보도록 할 것이다. 전적으로 보면 한국 "상서(?書)"학 연구는 3가지를 포함한다. 첫째는 한국에서 중국 고전 "상서(?書)" 원전(原典)에 대한 탐구(探究)인데 이를 '중국 "상서(?書)" 연구' 라고 칭하였다. 둘째는 조선시대 유학자의 서경 저술을 중점 대상으로 연구하는 것으로 이를 '한국 "서경"학 연구'라고 이름 하였다. 셋째는 한국 이외 다른 나라 학자들의 조선시대 "서경" 저술에 대한 연구이다. 이상 3가지를 모두 대상으로 삼아야 온전한 한국 "상서(?書)"학 연구라고 할 수 있을 것이다. 향후의 연구 방향은 다음 네 가지로 정리할 수 있다: (1) 역본의 연구 (2)학파별 연구 (3)문헌적 연구 (4)경연과 과거시험의 각 나라 비교 연구이다. 한국 "서경"학에 대한 연구를 통해 우리는 조선시대의 사상과 문화 특히 정치사상을 파악할 수 있으며 또한 전통시대 동아시아 각국의 학문 양상까지도 인식할 수 있을 것이다. 요컨대, 아직까지 한국의 학계에서 한국 "서경"학을 중심으로 하여 이러한 측면을 밝히는 연구는 부족한 편이라고 할 수 있겠으며, 그렇기에 연구할 영역이 더욱 많은 셈이라고도 할 수 있는 것이다. 바로 이 연구영역들에 더욱 심혈을 기울여 앞으로 더 깊이 있고 폭 넓은 연구가 진행되기를 기대할 수 있게 되는 것이다.

A reflection on the education of Confucian classics (유교경전교육(儒敎經典敎育)을 위한 반성적(反省的) 고찰(考察))

  • Chin, Sung-Su
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.25
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    • pp.223-249
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    • 2009
  • This papers focuses on the Confucian classics for the correct orientation of education as a basic task of the Confucian classics will as a necessary whether the need for education, to identify the natural history study will attempt to have. In East Asia means that classics, the classicalization process of looking at Chinese culture, classicalization of review of the cultural meaning. And this papers focuses on the historical evolution of education, and education in China and Korea in the modern world the meaning of the Confucian classics education about and looked at two dilemmas. And outside the scope of Confucian five ethical thoughts as main moral to find new values and new interpretations about the legitimacy and philosophical thinking of the meaning of the Confucian classics Education. In addition, the development of educational content to the new Confucian classics on the subject of three applies to the existing approach and to propose a new type of comparison?Review. As primitive Confucian classics is not determined by a priori, the modern understanding of the Confucian classics also thorough review process of reflection and understanding the new system will have to be reconfigured. Furthermore, in the richness of modern society as the training methods as well as the development of relevant content for the modern society that values education's development is a very important issue. In this respect, should not be overlooked here is not about education, the effect of Confucian classics is concerned about the review. To this, first of all the Confucian classics need education about the content and strict screening operation. In addition, the ability to function in modern society, modern reinterpreted and the need to find a new educational element is. Because we did not give a realistic benefits and future view and any history or civilization, is always disappear in history. This series of problems will be a reason of require that philosophical thinking of Confucian classics education.

The Introduction of Dongbal(銅鈸) to Korean Buddhism and the Development of Baramu(cymbals dance) (한국불교 동발(銅鈸)전래와 바라무 전개)

  • Han, Jung-Mi(Hae-sa)
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.43
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    • pp.441-483
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    • 2021
  • The introduction of dongbal[bara] is in line with Buddhism which was transmitted from India through China. Therefore, this paper tracked down the records of dongbal in Indian and Chinese Buddhism, and especially in scriptures and in ritual texts of Korean Buddhism, and studied the functionality and the use of dongbal, and the attributes of Baramu. Among the scriptures that record dongbal, 『Myobeopyeon hwagyeong(妙法蓮華經)』(A.D.406) is the earliest to be translated. The records of bara in the scriptures were written as dongbal(銅鈸) mostly, and that it was used as ritual tool(法具), instrumental offering, and religious ornament(莊嚴物). The oldest record which can verify that dongbal was used in Korea is 『Seodaesajajaeryugijang(西大寺資財流記帳)』(A.D.780). The oldest cymbals-like relic remaining today, the reliquary from the temple Gameunsa built in A.D.628, dates back to the early period of Unified Silla. This indicates that dongbal has been used at Korean temples by the 7th century at least. The records of dongbal(銅鈸) written in cheong-gyu(淸規, buddhist monastic rules) and ritual texts are classified as myeongbal(鳴鈸) and dongbal(動鈸). The letter 'myeong(鳴)' of myeongbal means to make a sound, and thus myeongbal refers to clash and make the sound of the bara. It is verified that myeongbal had certain established rules and methods. It appears that dongbal(動鈸) refers to Baramu(the cymbals dance) since the letter 'dong(動)' means movement or to move. Hence, the concept of movement was added to the signification of myeongbal, and became dongbal(動鈸), and then developed into baramu being transmitted until today. There are 8 types of Baramu transmitted in Korean Buddhist rituals, and they could be classified into purifying ritual, inviting ritual, protecting ritual, offering ritual, bathing ritual, dressing ritual, saluting ritual, and praising ritual according to their attributes.

고서의 진위와 그 연대<1>

  • Sim, U-Jun
    • KLA journal
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    • v.9 no.6
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    • pp.7-14
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    • 1968
  • 이글은 경학ㆍ사학ㆍ불교학등 제면에 박식한 중국의 석학인 고 양계초(Liang Chi-Chao 1378~1930)씨의 ‘고서진위여기년대’(대만, 중화서국, 국민 52)를 역한 것이다. 본저는 저자가 그의 만년에 전생을 거쳐 연구한 한 단면을 정리, 국민 16년 2월부터 6월까지 반년간 북경 연경대학에서 이를 강의한 내용이다. 총론에 제기된 고서의 진위식별에 대한 제문제는 동양학연구는 물론, 고서정리와 서지거연구자들의 지침서로 될 것이며, 각론에 소개된 경전을 비롯한 제문헌의 해제는 동양학부문에 있어서의 인문ㆍ사회과학서지연구의 나침반으로 믿어 의심치 않는다.

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대순 『전경』의 '공사(公事)'개념에 대한 고찰

  • 잔스촹
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.23
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    • pp.37-105
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    • 2014
  • '공사(公事)'는 『전경』이 담고 있는 매우 중요한 종교 문화적 현상이다. 그리고 그 속에는 매우 깊은 사상적 의미가 내포되어 있다. 대순진리회 공사개념의 연원은 중국 고대의 경전과 문헌에서 그 단서를 찾아볼 수 있으나, 그것은 결코 단순히 중국의 것을 답습한 것이 아니다. 강성상제와 도주 조정산께서는 '묵은 하늘'의 음양 혼란 시대에 공사를 행하였기 때문에, 도수를 바로잡는 공사는 근본부터 바로잡는다는 의미가 있으며, 새로운 시대를 의미하는 '개벽'도 이에 포함된다. 중도, 화평, 공정은 질서가 바로 잡힌 사회의 시작을 의미하며, 이는 새로운 생활을 창조하는 데 있어 중요한 현실적 의의를 지닌다. 전체적으로 볼 때 대순진리회의 공사는 사회의 변화와 사회적 요구에 응답하여 생겨난 종교문화 활동이다. 이러한 종교문화 활동은 일종의 기호로서, 상징성을 갖춘 의식을 거행하는 것이다. 공사는 명부의 한을 해결하는 것으로부터 시작되는데, 이는 근본을 중시한다는 의미이며, 태초로 거슬러 올라가 사회를 다스리는 커다란 방향을 전개한다는 것이다. '역도(逆度)'를 조정하는 공사에서는 사회적 관점에서 보자면, 역사가 남긴 문제에 대해 고민하고 해결하려는 태도를 뜻한다. 이는 민생문제를 매우 중시하였음과 인간의 도에 대해 경외심과 존중을 표현하고 있음이 나타내며, 결국 '보세(普世)'의 의미를 지닌다고 볼 수 있다. 공사를 실천하는 방법은 '신생활법'이며, 이는 인(仁)과 인류와 동물에 대한 자비심을 강조하며 '삼계개벽'의 개혁정신과 창조적 사고를 나타낸다. 이로써 '통달(通達)'과 '대도(大道)'의 정신을 나타내었다. 이로 볼 때, 인간의 삶을 인도하며, 궁극적으로는 지상천국을 건설하고자 하는 정신이 공사의 개념 속에 분명하게 드러나 있음을 알 수 있다.

Research on the Design of Chinese Online Games in the Application of Cultural Content (문화 콘텐츠를 응용한 중국 온라인(MMORPG)게임 디자인 연구 -돈황벽화를 중심으로-)

A Study on the Naejeong (內庭) of Daesoon Jinrihoe Temple Complexes: Focusing on Literary Sources and Context (대순진리회 도장 건축물 내정(內庭)에 대한 연구 - 내정의 문헌 출처와 그 맥락을 중심으로 -)

  • Cha, Seon-keun
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.37
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    • pp.1-52
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    • 2021
  • The Naejeong, the inner court, which is one of the structures found in the temple complexes of Daesoon Jinrihoe. It serves the function of leading and controlling the operation and direction of Korean religions in general. Considering that the dictionary meaning of 'Naejeong' is 'a place to manage the affairs of the state from inside a palace,' the name and function of the structure appear to be in harmony. However, in the Daesoon Jinrihoe context, it is said that the name 'Naejeong (內庭 'Neiting' in Chinese)' is related to a verse from a Daoist scripture. It has not been revealed whether or not the scripture is historical, and what contents or contextual meanings it contains. This study tries to pursue this matter and introduce the original source of the Naejeong in Daesoon Jinrihoe as likely coming from Qianbapinxianjing (前八品仙經, The Former Scripture of the Eight Phases That Reveal the Means to Acquire Immortality). This scripture was compiled in Lüzu-quanshu(呂祖全書, The Entire Collection of Ancestor Lü). This text and its contextual meanings will also be examined. The origin of Qianbapinxianjing dates back to either the late Ming Dynasty or the early Qing. In those days, there existed a group of literati who worshipped Ancestor Lü because he had saved people and taught the art of immortality. The group organized Daoist Spirit-Writing Altars (鸞壇道敎) and invoked the spirit of Ancestor Lü. They were said to have been taught through messages received from spirit-writing sessions (降乩) with Ancestor Lü and several Daoist scriptures were composed by them in this manner. At Immortals-Gathering Pavilion (集仙樓) of Wandian (萬店) in Guangling (廣陵), China, some literati in that group conducted a spirit-writing session with Ancestor Lü between 1589 and 1626, and they produced a scripture which contained the passage, "A crow and a rabbit gather in the middle valley (烏兎結中谷) while a turtle entwined with a snake is in the inner court (龜蛇盤內庭)." They titled the scripture, The Five Movements and Filial Piety (五行端孝). This passage symbolically expresses the accomplishment of immortality in Neidan (internal alchemy) which, within the human body, combines the two energies of yin and yang which are Water and Fire in the Five Movements scheme. This kind of cultivation is said to be achieved only by maintaining the highest possible degree of filial piety. In this context, the Naejeong where a turtle is entwined with a snake (龜蛇合體) was a term that symbolically depicted a place wherein one transforms into an immortal through cultivation. The Five Movements and Filial Piety was included in Qianbapinxianjing after it had been compiled with the other scriptures containing Ancestor Lü's teachings. In 1744, Qianbapinxianjing was included in Lüzu-quanshu, the entire 32-volume collection of Ancestor Lü and printed for the first time. This underlies the belief in Ancestor Lü (呂祖信仰) which embraces the idea of the redemption of people, teaches the arts of immortality, and features Daoist Spirit-Writing Altars, filial piety, the art of Neidan, and the combination of Water and Fire.

Publication of the Mukujeonggwang Dae Darani Gyeong (『무구정광대다라니경(無垢淨光大陁羅尼經)』의 간행(刊行)에 대하여)

  • Park, Sang-Guk
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.33
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    • pp.366-396
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    • 2000
  • This research paper has examined the question of the year of the publication of the wood block print, Mukujeonggwang Dae Darani Gyeong(Pure light Dharani Sutra). Published in Korea sometime before 751, it is known to be the oldest existing document printed with wood blocks in the world. Recently, a Chinese scholar claimed that this sutra was translated into Chinese in 701 and printed in Reoyang, China, in 702. These claims have lead to international symposiums and research papers on the Mukujeonggwang Dae Darani Gyeong. However, although diverse opinions and research were presented by various scholars, they all seem to be far fetched and do not answer the essential question of the sutra. The evidence in historic records shows that the translation into Chinese was done in 704 and not in 701. After it was translated into Chinese, it came to Korea and was printed with wood blocks. When Sokkatap was built in 751, a copy was placed in the pagoda. Moreover, the inscription on the sarira casket states that the construction of the pagoda was based on the theory of Jotapsasang contained in the sutra. Thus this proves that Mukujeonggwang Dae Darani Gyeong had to have been printed before 751.