• Journal of Biosystems Engineering
• /
• v.6 no.1
• /
• pp.28-38
• /
• 1981

A survey has been conducted to investigate the presents of breaks down and repair of power tiller for efficient use. Eight provinces were covered for this study. The results are summarized as follows. A. Frequency of breaks down. 1) Power tiller was breaken down 9.05 times a year and it represents a break down every 39.1 hours of use. High frequency of breaks down was found from the fuel and ignition system. For only these system, the number of breaks down were 2.02 and it represents 23.3% among total breaks down. It was followed by attachments, cylinder system, and traction device. 2) For the power tiller which was more than six years old, breaks down accured 37.7 hours of use and every 38.6 hours for the power tiller which was purchased in less than 2 years. 3) For the kerosene engine power tiller, breaks down occured every 36.8 hours of use, which is a higher value compared with diesel engine power tiller which break down every 42.8 hours of use. The 8HP kerosene engine power tiller showed higher frequency of break down compared with any other horse power tiller. 4) In October, the lowest frequency of break down was found with the value of once for every 51.5 hours of use, and it was followed by the frequency of break down in June. The more hours of use, the less breaks down was found. E. Repair place 1) 45.3% among total breaks down of power tiller was repaired by the owner, and 54.7% was repaired at repair shop. More power tiller were repaired at repair shop than by owner of power tiller. 2) The older the power tiller is, the higher percentage of repairing at the repair shop was found compared with the repairing by the owner. 3) Higher percentage of repairing by the owner was found for the diesel engine power tiller compared with the kerosene engine power tiller. It was 10 HP power tiller for the kerosene power tiller and 8 HP for the diesel engine power tiller. 4) 66.7% among total breaks down of steering device was repaired by the owner. It was the highest value compared with the percentage of repairing of any other parts of power tiller. The lowest percentage of repairing by owner was found for the attachments to the power tiller with the value of 26.5%. C. Cause of break down 1) Among the total breaks down of power tiller, 57.2% is caused by the old parts of power tiller with the value of 5.18 times break down a year and 34.7% was caused by the poor maintenance and over loading. 2) For the power tiller which was purchased in less than two years, more breaks down were caused by poor maintenance in comparison to the old parts of power tiller. 3) For the both 8-10 HP kerosene and diesel engine power tiller, the aspects of breaks down was almost the same. But for the 5 HP power tiller, more breaks down was caused by over loading in comparison to the old parts of power tiller. 4) For the cylinder system and traction device, most of the breaks down was caused by the old parts and for the fuel and ignition system, breaks down was caused mainly by the poor maintenance. D. Repair Cost 1) For each power tiller, repair cost was 34,509 won a year and it was 97 won for one hoar operation. 2) Repair cost of kerosene engine power tiller was 40,697 won a year, and it use 28,320 won for a diesel engine power tiller. 3) Average repair cost for one hour operation of kerosene engine power tiller was 103 won, and 86 won for a diesel engine power tiller. No differences were found between the horse power of engines. 4) Annual repair cost of cylinder system was 13,036 won which is the highest one compared with the repair cost of any other parts 362 won a year was required to repair the steering device, and it was the least among repair cost of parts. 5) Average cost for repairing the power tiller one time was 3,183 won. It was 10,598 won for a cylinder system and 1,006 won for a steering device of power tiller. E. Time requirement for repairing by owner. 1) Average time requirements for repairing the break down of a power tiller by owner himself was 8.36 hours, power tiller could not be used for operation for 93.58 hours a year due to the break down. 2) 21.3 hours were required for repairing by owner himself the break down of a power tiller which was more than 6 years old. This value is the highest one compared with the repairing time of power tiller which were purchased in different years. Due to the break down of the power tiller, it could not be used for operation annually 127.13 hours. 3) 10.66 hours were required for repairing by the owner himself a break down of a diesel engine power tiller and 6.48 hours for kerosene engine power tiller could not be used annually 99.14 hours for operation due to the break down and it was 88.67 hour for the diesel engine power tiller. 4) For both diesel and kerosene engine power tiller 8 HP power tiller required the least time for repairing by owner himself a break down compared with any other horse power tiller. It was 2.78 hours for kerosene engine power tiller and 8.25 hours fur diesel engine power tiller. 5) For the cylinder system of power tiller 32.02 hours were required for repairing a break down by the owner himself. Power tiller could not be used 39.30 hours a year due to the break down of the cylinder system.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
• /
• v.25 no.4
• /
• pp.1-33
• /
• 2019

The small and medium sized enterprises (hereinafter SMEs) are already at a competitive disadvantaged when compared to large companies with more abundant resources. Manufacturing SMEs not only need a lot of information needed for new product development for sustainable growth and survival, but also seek networking to overcome the limitations of resources, but they are faced with limitations due to their size limitations. In a new era in which connectivity increases the complexity and uncertainty of the business environment, SMEs are increasingly urged to find information and solve networking problems. In order to solve these problems, the government funded research institutes plays an important role and duty to solve the information asymmetry problem of SMEs. The purpose of this study is to identify the differentiating characteristics of SMEs that utilize the public information support infrastructure provided by SMEs to enhance the innovation capacity of SMEs, and how they contribute to corporate performance. We argue that we need an infrastructure for providing information support to SMEs as part of this effort to strengthen of the role of government funded institutions; in this study, we specifically identify the target of such a policy and furthermore empirically demonstrate the effects of such policy-based efforts. Our goal is to help establish the strategies for building the information supporting infrastructure. To achieve this purpose, we first classified the characteristics of SMEs that have been found to utilize the information supporting infrastructure provided by government funded institutions. This allows us to verify whether selection bias appears in the analyzed group, which helps us clarify the interpretative limits of our study results. Next, we performed mediator and moderator effect analysis for multiple variables to analyze the process through which the use of information supporting infrastructure led to an improvement in external networking capabilities and resulted in enhancing product competitiveness. This analysis helps identify the key factors we should focus on when offering indirect support to SMEs through the information supporting infrastructure, which in turn helps us more efficiently manage research related to SME supporting policies implemented by government funded institutions. The results of this study showed the following. First, SMEs that used the information supporting infrastructure were found to have a significant difference in size in comparison to domestic R&D SMEs, but on the other hand, there was no significant difference in the cluster analysis that considered various variables. Based on these findings, we confirmed that SMEs that use the information supporting infrastructure are superior in size, and had a relatively higher distribution of companies that transact to a greater degree with large companies, when compared to the SMEs composing the general group of SMEs. Also, we found that companies that already receive support from the information infrastructure have a high concentration of companies that need collaboration with government funded institution. Secondly, among the SMEs that use the information supporting infrastructure, we found that increasing external networking capabilities contributed to enhancing product competitiveness, and while this was no the effect of direct assistance, we also found that indirect contributions were made by increasing the open marketing capabilities: in other words, this was the result of an indirect-only mediator effect. Also, the number of times the company received additional support in this process through mentoring related to information utilization was found to have a mediated moderator effect on improving external networking capabilities and in turn strengthening product competitiveness. The results of this study provide several insights that will help establish policies. KISTI's information support infrastructure may lead to the conclusion that marketing is already well underway, but it intentionally supports groups that enable to achieve good performance. As a result, the government should provide clear priorities whether to support the companies in the underdevelopment or to aid better performance. Through our research, we have identified how public information infrastructure contributes to product competitiveness. Here, we can draw some policy implications. First, the public information support infrastructure should have the capability to enhance the ability to interact with or to find the expert that provides required information. Second, if the utilization of public information support (online) infrastructure is effective, it is not necessary to continuously provide informational mentoring, which is a parallel offline support. Rather, offline support such as mentoring should be used as an appropriate device for abnormal symptom monitoring. Third, it is required that SMEs should improve their ability to utilize, because the effect of enhancing networking capacity through public information support infrastructure and enhancing product competitiveness through such infrastructure appears in most types of companies rather than in specific SMEs.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
• /
• v.34 no.1
• /
• pp.31-46
• /
• 1977

The study was made to give some helpful information for policy-making on ornamental tree cultivation by doing a survey on general situations, management analysis, and future prospects of the ornamental tree growing. The study was carried out through literature studies related to the subject, questionaire surveys, and on-the-spot investigation. The questionaire surveys could be divided into two parts: pre-questionaire survey and main-questionaire survey. In the pre-questionaire survey, the researchers intended to identify the total number of ornamental tree growers, cultivation areas in size and their locations. The questionaires were sent to each town and county administration authorities, forest cooperatives, and related organizations through-out the nation. The main-questionaires were prepared for detailed study and the questionaires were sent to 200 tree growers selected by option by taking considerations of the number of tree growers and the size of cultivating areas in regions. The main findings and some information obtained in the survey were as follows: 1. The total land for ornamental tree growing was amounted to 1,873.02 hectares and the number of cultivators was totaled to 2,717. 2. The main occupations of the ornamental tree growers were found in horticulture (41.9%), agronomy (25.9%), officialdom (11.3%), animal husbandry (6.5%), business circle(4.8%), and forestry (3.2%) in sequence. 3. The ornamental trees were cultivated mostly upperland (54.8), forest land (19.4%), rice paddy (11.3%) and others. 4. The educational training of the tree growers seemed quite high. The results of the survey indicated that a large number of tree growers was occupied by college graduates (38.7%), and then high school graduates (34.7%), middle school graduates (12.9%) in order. 5. The tree farming was undertaken as a side-job (41.9%) rather than main-job (23.4%), but a few of respondents rated as subsidiary-job (18.6%). 6. The management status classified by the rate of hired labors used was likely to belong to three categories: independant enterprise management (41.9%); half independant management (31.5%); and self-management (32.4%). 7. The majority of the tree growers sold their products to the consumers through middle-man channel (48.4%), or directly to the house-holder and detailers (13.7%), but a few of the respondents answered that they disposed of their products by bidding (11.2%) or by direct selling to the contractors (4.8%). 8. The channel cf marketing seemed somewhat complicated. The results of the survey were as: (1) producers ${\rightarrow}$consumers (22.6%) (2) producers ${\rightarrow}$field middle-men${\rightarrow}$consumers (33.1%) (3) producers ${\rightarrow}$field middle-men${\rightarrow}$first stage brokers${\rightarrow}$consumers (15.3%) (4) producers ${\rightarrow}$field middle-men${\rightarrow}$second stage middle-men${\rightarrow}$brokers${\rightarrow}$consumers (5.7%) (5) producers${\rightarrow}$field middle-men${\rightarrow}$third stage middle-men${\rightarrow}$second stage middlemen${\rightarrow}$brokers${\rightarrow}$consumers (4.8%) 9. It was responded that the margin for each stage of middle-men or brokers was assumed to be 30-50%(33.1%), 20-30%(32.3%), 50-100%(9.7%), and 100-200%(2.4%) in sequence. 10. The difference between the delivery price of consumers and field selling price of the producers seemed quite large. Majority of producers responded that they received half a price compared to the consumer's prices. 11. About two thirds of the respondents opposed to the measure of "Law on Preservation and Utilization of Agricultural Land" in which says that all the ornamental trees grown on flat agricultural lands less than 8 degrees in slope must be transplanted within three years to other places more than 8 degrees in slope. 12. The tree growers said that they have paid rather high land taxes than they ought to pay (38.7%), but come responded that land tax seemed to be appropriate (15.3%), and half of the respondents answered "not known". 13. The measures for the standardization of ornamental trees by size were backed up by a large number of respondents (57.3%), but one third of the respondents showed negative answer (29.8%). 14. About half of the respondents favored the systematic marketing through organization such as forest cooperatives (54%), but quite a few respondents opposed to organizing the systematic marketing channel (36.3%). 15. The necessary measures for permission in ornamental tree cultivation was rejected by a large number of respondents (49.2%) than those of favored (43.6%).

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• v.96
• /
• pp.54-88
• /
• 2019

The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains comprises sixty real scenery landscape paintings depicting Geumgangsan Mountain, the Haegeumgang River, and the eight scenic views of Gwandong regions, as well as fifty-one pieces of writing. It is a rare example in terms of its size and painting style. The paintings in this album, which are densely packed with natural features, follow the painting style of the Southern School yet employ crude and unconventional elements. In them, stones on the mountains are depicted both geometrically and three-dimensionally. Since 1973, parts of this album have been published in some exhibition catalogues. The entire album was opened to the public at the special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea" held at the National Museum of Korea in 2019. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains was attributed to Kim Eung-hwan (1742-1789) due to the signature on the final leaf of the album and the seal reading "Bokheon(painter's penname)" on the currently missing album leaf of Chilbodae Peaks. However, there is a strong possibility that this signature and seal may have been added later. This paper intends to reexamine the creator of this album based on a variety of related factors. In order to understand the production background of Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains, I investigated the eighteenth-century tradition of drawing scenic spots while travelling in which scenery of was depicted during private travels or official excursions. Jeong Seon(1676-1759), Sim Sa-jeong(1707-1769), Kim Yun-gyeom(1711-1775), Choe Buk(1712-after 1786), and Kang Se-hwang(1713-1791) all went on a journey to Geumgangsan Mountain, the most famous travel destination in the late Joseon period, and created paintings of the mountain, including Album of Pungak Mountain in the Sinmyo Year(1711) by Jeong Seon. These painters presented their versions of the traditional scenic spots of Inner Geumgangsan and newly depicted vistas they discovered for themselves. To commemorate their private visits, they produced paintings for their fellow travelers or sponsors in an album format that could include several scenes. While the production of paintings of private travels to Geumgangsan Mountain increased, King Jeongjo(r. 1776-1800) ordered Kim Eung-hwan and Kim Hong-do, court painters at the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), to paint scenic spots in the nine counties of the Yeongdong region and around Geumgangsan Mountain. King Jeongjo selected these two as the painters for the official excursion taking into account their relationship, their administrative experience as regional officials, and their distinct painting styles. Starting in the reign of King Yeongjo(r. 1724-1776), Kim Eung-hwan and Kim Hong-do served as court painters at the Dohwaseo, maintained a close relationship as a senior and a junior and as colleagues, and served as chalbang(chief in large of post stations) in the Yeongnam region. While Kim Hong-do was proficient at applying soft and delicate brushstrokes, Kim Eung-hwan was skilled at depicting the beauty of robust and luxuriant landscapes. Both painters produced about 100 scenes of original drawings over fifty days of the official excursion. Based on these original drawings, they created around seventy album leaves or handscrolls. Their paintings enriched the tradition of depicting scenic spots, particularly Outer Inner Geumgang and the eight scenic views of Gwandong around Geumgangsan Mountain during private journeys in the eighteenth century. Moreover, they newly discovered places of scenic beauty in the Outer Geungang and Yeongdong regions, establishing them as new painting themes. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains consists of four volumes. The volumes I, II include twenty-nine paintings of Inner Geumgangsan; the volume III, seventeen scenes of Outer Geumgangsan; and the volume IV, fourteen images of Maritime Geumgangsan and the eight scenic views of Gwandong. These paintings produced on silk show crowded compositions, geometrical depictions of the stones and the mountains, and distinct presentation of the rocky peaks of Geumgangsan Mountain using white and grayish-blue pigments. This album reflects the Joseon painting style of the mid- and late eighteenth century, integrating influences from Jeong Seon, Kang Se-hwang, Sim Sa-jeong, Jeong Chung-yeop(1725-after 1800), and Kim Hong-do. In particular, some paintings in the album show similarities to Kim Hong-do's Album of Famous Mountains in Korea in terms of its compositions and painterly motifs. However, "Yeongrangho Lake," "Haesanjeong Pavilion," and "Wolsongjeong Pavilion" in Kim Eung-hwan's album differ from in the version by Kim Hong-do. Thus, Kim Eung-hwan was influenced by Kim Hong-do, but produced his own distinctive album. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains includes scenery of "Jaundam Pool," "Baegundae Peak," "Viewing Birobong Peak at Anmunjeom groove," and "Baekjeongbong Peak," all of which are not depicted in other albums. In his version, Kim Eung-hwan portrayed the characteristics of the natural features in each scenic spot in a detailed and refreshing manner. Moreover, he illustrated stones on the mountains using geometric shapes and added a sense of three-dimensionality using lines and planes. Based on the painting traditions of the Southern School, he established his own characteristics. He also turned natural features into triangular or rectangular chunks. All sixty paintings in this album appear rough and unconventional, but maintain their internal consistency. Each of the fifty-one writings included in the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains is followed by a painting of a scenic spot. It explains the depicted landscape, thus helping viewers to understand and appreciate the painting. Intimately linked to each painting, the related text notes information on traveling from one scenic spot to the next, the origins of the place names, geographic features, and other related information. Such encyclopedic documentation began in the early nineteenth century and was common in painting albums of Geumgangsan Mountain in the mid- nineteenth century. The text following the painting of Baekhwaam Hermitage in the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains documents the reconstruction of the Baekhwaam Hermitage in 1845, which provides crucial evidence for dating the text. Therefore, the owner of the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains might have written the texts or asked someone else to transcribe them in the mid- or late nineteenth century. In this paper, I have inferred the producer of the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains to be Kim Eung-hwan based on the painting style and the tradition of drawing scenic spots during official trips. Moreover, its affinity with the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain created by Kim Ha-jong(1793-after 1878) after 1865 is another decisive factor in attributing the album to Kim Eung-hwan. In contrast to the Album of Famous Mountains in Korea by Kim Hong-do, the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains exerted only a minor influence on other painters. The Handscroll of Pungak Mountain by Kim Ha-jong is the sole example that employs the subject matter from the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains and follows its painting style. In the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain, Kim Ha-jong demonstrated a painting style completely different from that in the Album of Seas and Mountains that he produced fifty years prior in 1816 for Yi Gwang-mun, the magistrate of Chuncheon. He emphasized the idea of "scholar thoughts" by following the compositions, painterly elements, and depictions of figures in the painting manual style from Kim Eung-hwan's Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains. Kim Ha-jong, a member of the Gaeseong Kim clan and the eldest grandson of Kim Eung-hwan, is presumed to have appreciated the paintings depicted in the nature of Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains, which had been passed down within the family, and newly transformed them. Furthermore, the contents and narrative styles of Yi Yu-won's writings attached to the paintings in the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain are similar to those of the fifty-one writings in Kim Eunghwan's album. This suggests a possible influence of the inscriptions in Kim Eung-hwan's album or the original texts from which these inscriptions were quoted upon the writings in Kim Ha-jong's handscroll. However, a closer examination will be needed to determine the order of the transcription of the writings. The Album of Complete View of Seas and Mountains differs from Kim Hong-do's paintings of his official trips and other painting albums he influenced. This album is a siginificant artwork in that it broadens the understanding of the art world of Kim Eung-hwan and illustrates another layer of real scenery landscape paintings in the late eighteenth century.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.27 no.2
• /
• pp.37-76
• /
• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.

• Korean Journal of Mineralogy and Petrology
• /
• v.35 no.2
• /
• pp.83-100
• /
• 2022

The Zhenzigou Pb-Zn deposit, which is one of the largest Pb-Zn deposit in the northeast of China, is located at the Qingchengzi mineral field in Jiao Liao Ji belt. The geology of this deposit consists of Archean granulite, Paleoproterozoinc migmatitic granite, Paleo-Mesoproterozoic sodic granite, Paleoproterozoic Liaohe group, Mesozoic diorite and Mesozoic monzoritic granite. The Zhenzigou deposit which is a strata bound SEDEX or SEDEX type deposit occurs as layer ore and vein ore in Langzishan formation and Dashiqiao formation of the Paleoproterozoic Liaohe group. White mica from this deposit are occured only in layer ore and are classified four type (Type I : weak alteration (clastic dolomitic marble), Type II : strong alteration (dolomitic clastic rock), Type III : layer ore (dolomitic clastic rock), Type IV : layer ore (clastic dolomitic marble)). Type I white mica in weak alteration zone is associated with dolomite that is formed by dolomitization of hydrothermal metasomatism. Type II white mica in strong alteration zone is associated with dolomite, ankerite, quartz and alteration of K-feldspar by hydrothermal metasomatism. Type III white mica in layer ore is associated with dolomite, ankerite, calcite, quartz and alteration of K-feldspar by hydrothermal metasomatism. And type IV white mica in layer ore is associated with dolomite, quartz and alteration of K-feldspar by hydrothermal metasomatism. The structural formulars of white micas are determined to be (K_0.92-0.80Na_0.01-0.00Ca_0.02-0.01Ba_0.00Sr_0.01-0.00)_0.95-0.83(Al_1.72-1.57Mg_0.33-0.20Fe_0.01-0.00Mn_0.00Ti_0.02-0.00Cr_0.01-0.00V_0.00Sb_0.02-0.00Ni_0.00Co_0.02-0.00)_1.99-1.90(Si_3.40-3.29Al_0.71-0.60)_4.00O₁₀(OH_2.00-1.83F_0.17-0.00)_2.00, (K_1.03-0.84Na_0.03-0.00Ca_0.08-0.00Ba_0.00Sr_0.01-0.00)_1.08-0.85(Al_1.85-1.65Mg_0.20-0.06Fe_0.10-0.03Mn_0.00Ti_0.05-0.00Cr_0.03-0.00V_0.01-0.00Sb_0.02-0.00Ni_0.00Co_0.03-0.00)_1.99-1.93(Si_3.28-2.99Al_1.01-0.72)_4.00O₁₀(OH_1.96-1.90F_0.10-0.04)_2.00, (K_1.06-0.90Na_0.01-0.00Ca_0.01-0.00Ba_0.00Sr_0.02-0.01)_1.10-0.93(Al_1.93-1.64Mg_0.19-0.00Fe_0.12-0.01Mn_0.00Ti_0.01-0.00Cr_0.01-0.00V_0.00Sb_0.00Ni_0.00Co_0.05-0.01)_2.01-1.94(Si_3.32-2.96Al_1.04-0.68)_4.00O₁₀(OH_2.00-1.91F_0.09-0.00)_2.00 and (K_0.91-0.83Na_0.02-0.01Ca_0.02-0.00Ba_0.01-0.00Sr_0.00)_0.93-0.83(Al_1.84-1.67Mg_0.15-0.08Fe_0.07-0.02Mn_0.00Ti_0.04-0.00Cr_0.06-0.00V_0.02-0.00Sb_0.02-0.01Ni_0.00Co_0.00)_2.00-1.92(Si_3.27-3.16Al_0.84-0.73)_4.00O₁₀(OH_1.97-1.88F_0.12-0.03)_2.00, respectively. It indicated that white mica of from the Zhenzigou deposit has less K, Na and Ca, and more Si than theoretical dioctahedral mica. Compositional variations in white mica from the Zhenzigou deposit are caused by phengitic or Tschermark substitution [(Al³⁺)^VI+(Al³⁺)^IV <-> (Fe²⁺ or Mg²⁺)^VI+(Si⁴⁺)^IV] substitution. It means that the Fe in white mica exists as Fe²⁺ and Fe³⁺, but mainly as Fe²⁺. Therefore, white mica from layer ore of the Zhenzigou deposit was formed in the process of remelting and re-precipitation of pre-existed minerals by hydrothermal metasomatism origined metamorphism (greenschist facies) associated with Paleoproterozoic intrusion. And compositional variations in white mica from the Zhenzigou deposit are caused by phengitic or Tschermark substitution [(Al³⁺)^VI+(Al³⁺)^IV <-> (Fe²⁺ or Mg²⁺)^VI+(Si⁴⁺)^IV] substitution during hydrothermal metasomatism depending on wallrock type, alteration degree and ore/gangue mineral occurrence frequency.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.22
• /
• pp.287-325
• /
• 2011

This paper studies the time-space and appreciation of the performance culture of Gwanseo region, which is considered to have formed a characteristic culture in late Joseon period. For this purpose, 4 gasa written in hangeul (Korean alphabet), as well as 4 yeonhaeng gasa, 108 articles of Gwanseoakbu were examined. Plus, among the 9 types of yeonhaengrok (Documents of Performance culture) written in Chinese character, those parts which describe the performance traits have been analyzed. Then, 'main list of terminology' has been deduced based on the categorization according to the following points : 1) subjects of performance and appreciation 2) time and period of performance 3) space of performance 4) contents of performance 5) background and motive for performance and 6) method of performance. Through this process, various 'nouns' and 'predicate verbs' in relation to performance culture emerged, which were systemized according to types of performance elements and categories. Major terminology includes predicate verbs and symbolic verbs such as nokuihongsang,' 'baekdaehongjang,' 'jeolsaekgeumga,' 'cheonga,' 'hwaryu,' 'gamuja,' and 'tongsoja,' as well as the terms already known such as gisaeng, iwon, yangbang, akgong, and jeonak, which refer to musicians and dancers. Subjects of performance were divided into performers and listeners, categorized into concert, music, and dance, according to performance form. In the case for music, it was divided into instrumental or vocal, solo or accompanied (byeongju, self-accompaniment). In the case for vocal music, noteworthy was the inclusion of profesional artist's singing (called gwangdae or uchang). The record of 23 names of popular artists from Gwanseo region, with mention of special talents for each person, reflects the degree of activeness and artistic level of the province. Depending on the appreciating patrons, the audience were indicated as the terms including 'yugaek (party guest),' jwasang,' 'on jwaseok,' and 'sonnim (guests).' It seems that appraisal for a certain performance was very much affected by the tastes, views, and disposition of the appreciating patrons. Therefore it is interesting to observe different comparative reviews of concerts of different regions given by literary figures, offering various criticism on identical performance. In terms of performance space, it has been divided into natural or architectural space, doing justice to special performance sites such as a famous pavilion or an on-the-boat performance. Specific terms related to the scale and brightness of stage, as well as stage props and cast, based on descriptions of performance space were found. The performance space, including famous pavilions; Yeongwangjeong, Bubyeokru, Baeksangru, Wolparu, and Uigeomjeong, which are all well-known tourist sites of Gwanseo province, have been often visited by viceroys. governors, and envoys during a tour or trip. This, and the fact that full-scale performances were regularly held here, and that more than 15 different kinds of boats which were used for boat concert are mentioned, all confirm the general popularity of boat concerts at the time. Performance time, categorized by season or time of day (am/pm/night) and analyzed in terms of time of occurrence and duration, there were no special limitation as to when to have a performance. Most morning concerts were held as part of official duties for the envoys, after their meeting session, whereas evening concerts were more lengthy in duration, with a greater number of people in the audience. In the case of boat concert, samples include day-time concert and performances that began during the day and which lasted till later in the evening. Major terminology related to performance time and season includes descriptions of time of day (morning, evening, night) and mention of sunset, twilight, moonlight, stars, candles, and lamps. Such terms which reflect the flow of time contributed in making a concert more lively. Terminology for the contents of performance was mostly words like 'instrumental,' 'pungak,' or 'pungnyu.' Besides, contextual expressions gave hints as to whether there were dance, singing, ensemble, solo, and duets. Words for dance and singing used in Gwanseo province were almost identical to those used for gasa and jeongjae in the capital, Hanyang. However, many sentences reveal that performances of 'hangjangmu' of hongmunyeon, sword dance, and baettaragi were on a top-quality level. Moreover, chants in hanmun Chinese character and folk songs, which are characteristic for this region, show unique features of local musical performance. It is judged that understanding the purpose and background of a performance is important in grasping the foundation and continuity of local culture. Concerts were usually either related to official protocol for 'greeting,' 'sending-off,' 'reports,' and 'patrols' or for private enjoyment. The rituals for Gwanseo province characteristically features river crossing ceremony on the Daedong river, which has been closely documented by many. What is more, the Gwanseo region featured continued coming and goings of Pyeongan envoys and local officers, as well as ambassadors to and fro China, which required an organized and full-scale performance of music and dance. The method of performance varied from a large-scale, official ones, for which female entertainers and a great banquet in addition to musicians were required, to private gatherings that are more intimate. A performance may take the form of 'taking turns' or 'a competition,' reflecting the dynamic nature of the musical culture at the time. This study, which is deduction of terminology in relation to the time-space and appreciation culture of musical performances of Gwanseo region in late Joseon period, should be expanded in the future into research on 'the performance culture unique to Gwanseo region,' in relation to the financial and administrative aspects of the province, as well as everyday lifestyle. Furthermore, it could proceed to a more intensive research by a comparative study with related literary documents and pictorial data, which could serve as the foundation for understanding the use of space and stage, as well as the performance format characteristic to Korean traditional performing arts.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• v.98
• /
• pp.226-241
• /
• 2020

Located on the right side of the third floor of the State Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg, the "Art of Central Asia" exhibition boasts the world's finest collection of artworks and artifacts from the Silk Road. Every item in the collection has been classified by region, and many of them were collected in the early twentieth century through archaeological surveys led by Russia's Pyotr Kozlov, Mikhail Berezovsky, and Sergey Oldenburg. Some of these artifacts have been presented around the world through special exhibitions held in Germany, France, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Korea, Japan, and elsewhere. The fruits of Russia's Silk Road expeditions were also on full display in the 2008 exhibition The Caves of One Thousand Buddhas - Russian Expeditions on the Silk Route on the Occasion of 190 Years of the Asiatic Museum, held at the Hermitage Museum. Published in 2018 by the Shanghai Chinese Classics Publishing House in collaboration with the Hermitage Museum, Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia introduces the Hermitage's collection of artifacts from the Kuche (or Kucha) region. While the book focuses exclusively on artifacts excavated from the Kuche area, it also includes valuable on-site photos and sketches from the Russian expeditions, thus helping to enhance readers' overall understanding of the characteristics of Kuche art within the Buddhist art of Central Asia. The book was compiled by Dr. Kira Samosyuk, senior curator of the Oriental Department of the Hermitage Museum, who also wrote the main article and the artifact descriptions. Dr. Samosyuk is an internationally renowned scholar of Central Asian Buddhist art, with a particular expertise in the art of Khara-Khoto and Xi-yu. In her article "The Art of the Kuche Buddhist Temples," Dr. Samosyuk provides an overview of Russia's Silk Road expeditions, before introducing the historical development of Kuche in the Buddhist era and the aspects of Buddhism transmitted to Kuche. She describes the murals and clay sculptures in the Buddhist grottoes, giving important details on their themes and issues with estimating their dates, and also explains how the temples operated as places of worship. In conclusion, Dr. Samosyuk argues that the Kuche region, while continuously engaging with various peoples in China and the nomadic world, developed its own independent Buddhist culture incorporating elements of Gandara, Hellenistic, Persian, and Chinese art and culture. Finally, she states that the culture of the Kuche region had a profound influence not only on the Tarim Basin, but also on the Buddhist grottoes of Dunhuang and the central region of China. A considerable portion of Dr. Samosyuk's article addresses efforts to estimate the date of the grottoes in the Kuche region. After citing various scholars' views on the dates of the murals, she argues that the Kizil grottoes likely began prior to the fifth century, which is at least 100 years earlier than most current estimates. This conclusion is reached by comparing the iconography of the armor depicted in the murals with related materials excavated from the surrounding area (such as items of Sogdian art). However, efforts to date the Buddhist grottoes of Kuche must take many factors into consideration, such as the geological characteristics of the caves, the themes and styles of the Buddhist paintings, the types of pigments used, and the clothing, hairstyles, and ornamentation of the depicted figures. Moreover, such interdisciplinary data must be studied within the context of Kuche's relations with nearby cultures. Scientific methods such as radiocarbon dating could also be applied for supplementary materials. The preface of Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia reveals that the catalog is the first volume covering the Hermitage Museum's collection of Kuche art, and that the next volume in the series will cover a large collection of mural fragments that were taken from Berlin during World War II. For many years, the whereabouts of these mural fragments were unknown to both the public and academia, but after restoration, the fragments were recently re-introduced to the public as part of the museum's permanent exhibition. We look forward to the next publication that focuses on these mural fragments, and also to future catalogs introducing the artifacts of Turpan and Khotan. Currently, fragments of the murals from the Kuche grottoes are scattered among various countries, including Russia, Germany, and Korea. With the publication of this catalog, it seems like an opportune time to publish a comprehensive catalog on the murals of the Kuche region, which represent a compelling mixture of East-West culture that reflects the overall characteristics of the region. A catalog that includes both the remaining murals of the Kizil grottoes and the fragments from different parts of the world could greatly enhance our understanding of the murals' original state. Such a book would hopefully include a more detailed and interdisciplinary discussion of the artifacts and murals, including scientific analyses of the pigments and other materials from the perspective of conservation science. With the ongoing rapid development in western China, the grotto murals are facing a serious crisis related to climate change and overcrowding in the oasis city of Xinjiang. To overcome this challenge, the cultural communities of China and other countries that possess advanced technology for conservation and restoration must begin working together to protect and restore the murals of the Silk Road grottoes. Moreover, centers for conservation science should be established to foster human resources and collect information. Compiling the data of Russian expeditions related to the grottoes of Kuche (among the results of Western archaeological surveys of the Silk Road in the early twentieth century), Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia represents an important contribution to research on Kuche's Buddhist art and the Silk Road, which will only be enhanced by a future volume introducing the mural fragments from Germany. As the new authoritative source for academic research on the artworks and artifacts of the Kuche region, the book also lays the groundwork for new directions for future studies on the Silk Road. Finally, the book is also quite significant for employing a new editing system that improves its academic clarity and convenience. In conclusion, Dr. Kira Samosyuk, who planned the publication, deserves tremendous praise for taking the research of Silk Road art to new heights.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
• /
• v.5 no.1
• /
• pp.1-35
• /
• 1969

Attempts were made to obtain the fundamental knowledge on the quantitative constitution status of leaves and stem of elongating node-part, and the relationships between these morphological characteristics along with the nitrogen contents of leaves and grain yield were examined varing application amounts of nitrogen in rice plant. I. The agronomic characteristics of leaves and nodes of elongation node-part (4-node parts from the top of stem) were observed at heading stage with 20 leading rice varieties of Kang Won district. The results are summarized as follows: 1. Leaf area magnitude of the flag and the fourth leaf was smaller than that of the second and the third with the average value of flag leaf 18.61 $cm^2$, the second leaf 21.84 $cm^2$, the third 21.52 $cm^2$ and the fourth 18.56 $cm^2$. The weight of leaf blade showed an isotonic tendency with the magnitude of leaf area with the value of the flag leaf 97.0 mg, the second leaf 117.1 mg, the third 115.4 mg, and the fourth 95.3 mg. The weight of each leaf sheath was remarkably larger at the higher node-part than at the lower node-part of the stem with the value of flag leaf sheath 176.3 mg, the second 163.7 mg, the third 163.4 mg and the fourth 123.9 mg. Accordingly, the total leaf weight of each part was larger at the second and the third leaf than at the first and the fourth. Total plant weight of each part (weight of leaf blade, leaf sheath, and culm) also was larger at the middle node-part. 2. Coefficients of variation for the varietal differences of the morphological characteristics of elongating node-part were 12.75% for the leaf area, 15.29% for the weight of leaf blade, 15.90%, for the weight of leaf sheath, 11.42% for the weight of internode, 15.45% for the leaf weight (leaf blade ＆ leaf sheath) and 13.24% for the straw weight. And these coefficient values of the most characteristics were, on the whole, smaller at the second and the third node-part than at the first and the fourth node-part, but the coefficient value of the internode weight was rather small at the third and fourth node-part. 3. Constitutional ratio of each plant organ to the total plant weight in term of dry matter weight (excluding head and root wight) was 39.2% for the leaf sheath, 34.2% for the culm, 26.6% for the leaf blade. And ocnstitutional ratio of leaf sheath in term of dry matter weight was larger at the higher position in contrast with that of culm. 4. Average weight ration of leaf blade to culm, leaf sheath to culm, leaf blades to sheath and the leaf blades to culm plus leaf sheath were 77.7 %, 114.5%, 67.9% and 36.2%, respectively. With regard to the position of the plant organ, the weight ratio of leaf blade to culm and that of leaf sheath to culm were larger at higher part in contrast with that of leaf blade to leaf sheath. 5. Generally, there founded deep relationships between grain yield and each morphological characteristics of plant organ of elongating node-part as follows; Correlation coefficient between total area of 4 leaves (from flag to the fourth leaf) and grain yield was ${\gamma}$=0.666$^{**}$ In regard to the position of leaves, correlation coefficient values of flag, the second, the third and the fourth leaf were ${\gamma}$=0.659$^{**}$, ${\gamma}$=0.609$^{**}$, ${\gamma}$=0.464$^{*}$ and ${\gamma}$=0.523$^{*}$, respectively. Correlation coefficient between total weight of leaf blades and the grain yield was ${\gamma}$=0.678$^{**}$. In regard to the position of leaves, that of flag leaf was ${\gamma}$=0.691$^{**}$, and ${\gamma}$=0.654$^{**}$ for the second leaf, ${\gamma}$=0.570$^{**}$ for the third, and ${\gamma}$=0.544$^{**}$ for the fourth. Correlation between the weight of leaves (blade weight plus sheath weight) and the grain yield showed similar values. In the relationship between plant weight and grain yield there also was significant correlation, but with highly significant value only for the first node-part. There appeared correlation between total weight of leaf sheath and grain yield with the value of ${\gamma}$=0.572$^{**}$ and in regard to the position of each leaf sheath the values were ${\gamma}$=0.623$^{**}$ for the flag leaf, ${\gamma}$=0.486$^{**}$ for the second leaf, ${\gamma}$=0.513$^{**}$ for the third, ${\gamma}$=0.450$^{**}$ for the fourth. However, there was no significant correlation between culm weight and grain yield. 6. With respect to in gain yield, varietal differences in magnitude of leaf area, weight of leaf blade, leaf weight per unit area, weight of leaf sheath, culm weight, total leaf and stem weight were larger in the case of high yielding varieties and decreased in accordance with decreasing yield. And this tendency also was shown in the varietal differences of magnitude of each part. Variation in magnitude of each part for the leaf area, weight of leaf blade, culm weight was significantly small in high yielding varieties compared to low yielding varieties. 7. Plant constitutional ratio of each organ of the elongating node-part in term of weight magnitnde varied to som extent according to varieties indicating leaf blade 27.6%, leaf sheath 39.5%, culm 32.9% in the case of high yielding varieties, leaf blade 25.5%, leaf sheath 38.1%, culm 36.4% in the case of low yielding varieties, and medium yielding varieties showed intermadiate values. 8. Far higher values of the weight ration of leaf blade to culm and leaf sheath to culm were given to the high yielding varieties compared to low yielding varieties. And medium yielding varieties showed intermadiate values. II. Effects of application rate of nitrogen on the morphological characteristics of the elongating node-part, nitrogen content of leaf blade, and their relation with the grain yield of the rice were observed with 3 rice varieties; Shin No.2, Shirogane, and Jinheung varying application amounts of nitrogen as 8kg, 12kg and 16kg per 10 are. 1. As for the variation of morphological magnitude s affected by the amounts of nitrogen application, total leaf area (4 leaves from the flag leaf) increased to 16.5% at 12kg N plot, and about 30% at 16kg N polt compared to 8kg N plot and total weight of leaf blade also increased to similar extent, respectively, in contrast with weight of leaf sheath increasing 4.9% and 7.8%, respectively. However, the weight of culm decreased to 1.5% and 11.2%at the 12kg N plot and 16kg N plot, respectively, and these decreasing rate was noted at the nodes of lower part. 2. As for the verietal differences in variation of morphological magnitude as affected by the amount of nitrogen fertilization, leaf area coefficient value of variation of the total leaf area was 15.40% for Shin No. 2, 12.87% for Shirogane, and 10.99% for Jinheung. With respect to the position of nodes, the largest variation of leaf blade magnitude was observed at the fourth for Shin No. 2, the second for Shirogan, and flag leaf for Jinheung. And there also was an isotonic varietal difference in the weight of leaf blade. Variation in total culm weight showed varietal differences with the coefficient value of 7.72% for Shin No.2, 12.11% for Shirogane, and 0.94% for Jinheung. There also was varietal differences in the variation according to the position of nodes. 3. Variation of each elongating node-part related to the fertilization amount decreased with the increase of fertilization amount in the items of leaf area, weight of leaf sheath, culm weight, but weight of leaf sheath varied more at heavier fertilization than at others. 4. Constitutional ratio of each organ excluding head also varied with fertilization amount; constitutional ratio of leaf blade increased much with the increasing amount of fertilization in contrast with the response of culm eight. However, constitutional ration of the weight of leaf sheath was not much affected. 5. Lower value of the ration of leaf blade to culm was given to the 8kg N per 10 are plot, and the ratio of leaf blade to leaf sheath decreased with the increasing amount of fertilization in contrast with the increase in the ratio of leaf sheath to culm. however, the ration of leaf blade to culm plus leaf sheath decreased. 6. With the increase of nitrogen fertilization, leaf area, weight of leaf blade and leaf sheath increased. Accordingly, grin yield also increased to some extent. It was noted that culm weight was changed inversely to the changes in grain yield, but the degree of this variation varied with varietal characteristics. 7. Nitrogen content of leaves at heading and fruiting stage varied with the fertilization amount, and average nitrogen content of leaves of the varieties used 2.19%, 2.49% and 2.74% at the plot of 8kg N, and 12kg N and 16kg N per 10 are, respectively, at heading time, and 0.80%, 0.92% and 1.03% at each plot at fruiting stage. Thus, nitrogen content of leaves increased much with the increasing amount of fertilization, and higher value was given to the leaves on the higher position of elongating node-part. 8. There also was variation of nitrogen content of leaves in accordance with the varieties. However higher grain yield was obtained from the plants retaining higher nitrogen content in leaves at heading or fruiting stage.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
• /
• v.15 no.1
• /
• pp.1-38
• /
• 1972

1. Objective of the Study The objective of the study was to make fundamental suggestions for drawing a forest insurance system applicable in Korea by investigating forest insurance systems undertaken in foreign countries, analyzing the forest hazards occurred in entire forests of Korea in the past, and hearing the opinions of people engaged in forestry. 2. Methods of the Study First, reference studies on insurance at large as well as on forest insurance were intensively made to draw the characteristics of forest insurance practiced in main forestry countries, Second, the investigations of forest hazards in Korea for the past ten years were made with the help of the Office of Forestry. Third, the questionnaires concerning forest insurance were prepared and delivered at random to 533 personnel who are working at different administrative offices of forestry, forest stations, forest cooperatives, colleges and universities, research institutes, and fire insurance companies. Fourth, fifty three representative forest owners in the area of three forest types (coniferous, hardwood, and mixed forest), a representative region in Kyonggi Province out of fourteen collective forest development programs in Korea, were directly interviewed with the writer. 3. Results of the Study The rate of response to the questionnaire was 74.40% as shown in the table 3, and the results of the questionaire were as follows: (% in the parenthes shows the rates of response; shortages in amount to 100% were due to the facts of excluding the rates of response of minor respondents). 1) Necessity of forest insurance The respondents expressed their opinions that forest insurance must be undertaken to assure forest financing (5.65%); for receiving the reimbursement of replanting costs in case of damages done (35.87%); and to protect silvicultural investments (46.74%). 2) Law of forest insurance Few respondents showed their views in favor of applying the general insurance regulations to forest insurance practice (9.35%), but the majority of respondents were in favor of passing a special forest insurance law in the light of forest characteristics (88.26%). 3) Sorts of institutes to undertake forest insurance A few respondents believed that insurance companies at large could take care of forest insurance (17.42%); forest owner's mutual associations would manage the forest insurance more effectively (23.53%); but the more than half of the respondents were in favor of establishing public or national forest insurance institutes (56.18%). 4) Kinds of risks to be undertaken in forest insurance It would be desirable that the risks to be undertaken in forest insurance be limited: To forest fire hazards only (23.38%); to forest fire hazards plus damages made by weather (14.32%); to forest fire hazards, weather damages, and insect damages (60.68%). 5) Objectives to be insured It was responded that the objectives to be included in forest insurance should be limited: (1) To artificial coniferous forest only (13.47%); (2) to both coniferous and broad-leaved artificial forests (23.74%); (3) but the more than half of the respondents showed their desire that all the forests regardless of species and the methods of establishment should be insured (61.64%). 6) Range of risks in age of trees to be included in forest insurance The opinions of the respondents showed that it might be enough to insure the trees less than ten years of age (15.23%); but it would be more desirous of taking up forest trees under twenty years of age (32.95%); nevertheless, a large number of respondents were in favor of underwriting all the forest trees less than fourty years of age (46.37%). 7) Term of a forest insurance contract Quite a few respondents favored a contract made on one year basis (31.74%), but the more than half of the respondents favored the contract made on five year bases (58.68%). 8) Limitation in a forest insurance contract The respondents indicated that it would be desirable in a forest insurance contract to exclude forests less than five hectars (20.78%), but more than half of the respondents expressed their opinions that forests above a minimum volume or number of trees per unit area should be included in a forest insurance contract regardless of the area of forest lands (63.77%). 9) Methods of contract Some responded that it would be good to let the forest owners choose their forests in making a forest insurance contract (32.13%); others inclined to think that it would be desirable to include all the forests that owners hold whenerver they decide to make a forest insurance contract (33.48%); the rest responded in favor of forcing the owners to buy insurance policy if they own the forests that were established with subsidy or own highly vauable growing stock (31.92%) 10) Rate of premium The responses were divided into three categories: (1) The rate of primium is to be decided according to the regional degree of risks(27.72%); (2) to be decided by taking consideration both regional degree of risks and insurable values(31.59%); (3) and to be decided according to the rate of risks for the entire country and the insurable values (39.55%). 11) Payment of Premium Although a few respondents wished to make a payment of premium at once for a short term forest insurance contract, and an annual payment for a long term contract (13.80%); the majority of the respondents wished to pay the premium annually regardless of the term of contract, by employing a high rate of premium on a short term contract, but a low rate on a long term contract (83.71%). 12) Institutes in charge of forest insurance business A few respondents showed their desire that forest insurance be taken care of at the government forest administrative offices (18.75%); others at insurance companies (35.76%); but the rest, the largest number of the respondents, favored forest associations in the county. They also wanted to pay a certain rate of premium to the forest associations that issue the insurance (44.22%). 13) Limitation on indemnity for damages done In limitation on indemnity for damages done, the respondents showed a quite different views. Some desired compesation to cover replanting costs when young stands suffered damages and to be paid at the rate of eighty percent to the losses received when matured timber stands suffered damages(29.70%); others desired to receive compensation of the actual total loss valued at present market prices (31.07%); but the rest responded in favor of compensation at the present value figured out by applying a certain rate of prolongation factors to the establishment costs(36.99%). 14) Raising of funds for forest insurance A few respondents hoped to raise the fund for forest insurance by setting aside certain amount of money from the indemnity paid (15.65%); others wished to raise the fund by levying new forest land taxes(33.79%); but the rest expressed their hope to raise the fund by reserving certain amount of money from the surplus money that was saved due to the non-risks (44.81%). 15) Causes of fires The main causes of forest fires 6gured out by the respondents experience turned out to be (1) an accidental fire, (2) cigarettes, (3) shifting cultivation. The reponses were coincided with the forest fire analysis made by the Office of Forestry. 16) Fire prevention The respondents suggested that the most important and practical three kinds of forest fire prevention measures would be (1) providing a fire-break, (2) keeping passers-by out during the drought seasons, (3) enlightenment through mass communication systems. 4. Suggestions The writer wishes to present some suggestions that seemed helpful in drawing up a forest insurance system by reviewing the findings in the questionaire analysis and the results of investigations on forest insurance undertaken in foreign countries. 1) A forest insurance system designed to compensate the loss figured out on the basis of replanting cost when young forest stands suffered damages, and to strengthen credit rating by relieving of risks of damages, must be put in practice as soon as possible with the enactment of a specifically drawn forest insurance law. And the committee of forest insurance should be organized to make a full study of forest insurance system. 2) Two kinds of forest insurance organizations furnishing forest insurance, publicly-owned insurance organizations and privately-owned, are desirable in order to handle forest risks properly. The privately-owned forest insurance organizations should take up forest fire insurance only, and the publicly-owned ought to write insurance for forest fires and insect damages. 3) The privately-owned organizations furnishing forest insurance are desired to take up all the forest stands older than twenty years; whereas, the publicly-owned should sell forest insurance on artificially planted stands younger than twenty years with emphasis on compensating replanting costs of forest stands when they suffer damages. 4) Small forest stands, less than one hectare holding volume or stocked at smaller than standard per unit area are not to be included in a forest insurance writing, and the minimum term of insuring should not be longer than one year in the privately-owned forest insurance organizations although insuring period could be extended more than one year; whereas, consecutive five year term of insurance periods should be set as a mimimum period of insuring forest in the publicly-owned forest insurance organizations. 5) The forest owners should be free in selecting their forests in insuring; whereas, forest owners of the stands that were established with subsidy should be required to insure their forests at publicly-owned forest insurance organizations. 6) Annual insurance premiums for both publicly-owned and privately-owned forest insurance organizations ought to be figured out in proportion to the amount of insurance in accordance with the degree of risks which are grouped into three categories on the basis of the rate of risks throughout the country. 7) Annual premium should be paid at the beginning of forest insurance contract, but reduction must be made if the insuring periods extend longer than a minimum period of forest insurance set by the law. 8) The compensation for damages, the reimbursement, should be figured out on the basis of the ratio between the amount of insurance and insurable value. In the publicly-owned forest insurance system, the standard amount of insurance should be set on the basis of establishment costs in order to prevent over-compensation. 9) Forest insurance business is to be taken care of at the window of insurance com pnies when forest owners buy the privately-owned forest insurance, but the business of writing the publicly-owned forest insurance should be done through the forest cooperatives and certain portions of the premium be reimbursed to the forest cooperatives. 10) Forest insurance funds ought to be reserved by levying a property tax on forest lands. 11) In order to prevent forest damages, the forest owners should be required to report forest hazards immediately to the forest insurance organizations and the latter should bear the responsibility of taking preventive measures.