• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.30
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• pp.161-190
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• 2010

In Shanghaibochujian-ZhouYi, there are a few special signs in red and black that had never been found in previous ZhouYi texts. Pu Mao Zuo (?茅左), who first sorted out Shanghaibochujian-ZhouYi, classified the signs into six types and explained them in terms of Yin-Yang theory. On the other hand, Li Shang Xin (李尙信) classified the signs into seven types and argued that these signs show that the order of the hexagrams(卦序) in Shanghaibochujian-ZhouYi is completely identical with that of the current version of ZhouYi. Edward L. Shaughnessy also conjectured that the order of the hexagrams(卦序) of Shanghaibochujian-ZhouYi is identical with that of the current version of Zhouyi after his material analysis of the Bamboo slips(竹簡) substance. Kondo Hiroyuki (近藤浩之) is based his interpretation of the order of the hexagrams(卦序) on his own classification of the signs which identified nine types. All these opinions contain some problems and given that the number of the Bamboo slips(竹簡) are very limited, we have to be very careful when we draw a conclusion. Shanghaibochujian-ZhouYi's signs can be possible when we suppose a 64-hexagrams(64卦) system instead of the 8-trigrams(8卦) system, which demands a reexamination of the common view that the 8-trigrams system preceded the 64-hexagrams system.

• Journal for History of Mathematics
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.75-87
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• 2010

This Chinese classic on divination can be a textbook for the interpretation of the living cosmos. In ancient the Chinese used to interpret correspondence between human and the cosmos with HADO-NAGSEO and the Eight Trigrams for divination. We will study a mathematical principle of Ancient China in the Chinese classic on divination.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.37-67
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• 2017

This article is to examine the characteristics of Habin Sin Hu-Dam's method of interpreting Zhouyi and to review its position in Zhouyi history of Joseon Dynasty. Especially, there has been drown attention to the connection both Habin and Tasan Cheong Yagyong. Habin is a philosopher who consistently interprets Zhouyi through the inner logic of it, not through Neo-confucian framework of it. The inner logic is yaobian theory, which is found through investigating the auguries in the old Books of Confucianism. It could be said that this discovery is the Habin's original one, although there may be historically connections between him and Seong-Ho School in the interpreting methodology about Zhouyi. However, at a future date this logic is found in Tasan. There are no connections between two philosophers, but it may be said that they arrive at the common method of interpreting Zhouyi through investigating the auguries in the old Books of Confucianism. We find that their common methods of interpreting Zhouyi do not keep to authoritative interpretation, but there is the passion of searching for Zhouyi the way as it is.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.71
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• pp.99-128
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• 2018

Zhōuyì周易 is intended to explain the affairs of human beings by observing the images and works of all things in the universe, abstracting them into the $b{\bar{a}}gu{\grave{a}}$八卦, calculating the process and inducing the outcome by the method of stalk divination, in which this paper finds the origin of natural scientific thought of Zhōuyì. The way of Zhōuyì's thought on the natural science is distinguished from that of the Western's. In the West, people dismantled the objects into the parts until they reached the atom and analyzed them by the principle of causality to draw an axiomatic truth. In the meantime Zhōuyì observed and studied the dynamic functions and changes of all things for the convergence of the whole. While the way of Zhōuyì's thinking could have not contributed to the development of modern scientific development, that of the West overwhelmed Asian development passing through the period of enlightenment during 16-17 century. This paper tries to articulate the points where Zhōuyì can share its theory with the contemporary science by finding the traces of scientific thoughts in Zhōuyì. It encounters its ground from the methodology of natural science and scientific statements proposed by Zhōuyì. The essential concepts of Zhōuyì are induced from all things in nature. This can be considered as the idea of '法自然'(emulating the patterns and examples from nature). Also they observed the images and changes seen by the habits of animals, plants and human beings to sense and perceive their laws. These are regarded as the methodology of natural science in Zhōuyì. As a book of divination, the way of stalk divination is designed to calculate the future by using the system of 'numbers'. 'tàijí太極', ' yīnyáng陰陽', 'four symbols四象', '$b{\bar{a}}gu{\grave{a}}$八卦' and 'wǔxíng五行' are the essential concepts of Zhōuyì to represents the dynamic phenomena and changes of the natural order. Among them '$b{\bar{a}}gu{\grave{a}}$八卦' is a presentment to explain the structure of the world not by the individual analysis of things but by the unification of the whole through the contradictions and interchanges among them to reach the new orders. As of now, the studies of Zhōuyì in Korea have focused on the traditional perspectives, such as political and ethical philosophy. Some of recent studies, having interpreted Zhōuyì with scientific inclination have generated controversy 'Can Zhōuyì be a science?', for which scholars have hard time to reach the agreement. This paper tries to find the headwaters of the contemporary natural science by elaborating the methodology of natural science stated in Zhōuyì.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.131
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• pp.223-244
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• 2014

In this paper, the author interprets Juyeok (The Book of Changes) as a philosophical book on self-culture instead of a book on divination. Juyeok, originally, was a book on divination written to tell fortunes; however, it has been a rich source producing the discourse of the humanities. This is because it has a unique system of linguistic symbols. Gwae-Hyo (Hexagrams and Horizontal Lines) system of Juyeok has a number of symbolic features, and there is too much room for new philosophical, cultural interpretations. Thus, Juyeok can be applied to any information and events, and it can, accordingly, help solve the problems of life we are facing. Moreover, Juyeok's unique characteristics are revealed very well in active intervention of persons who read and interpret it. Carl Gustav Jung is the very person who argued that one should interpret Juyeok through this active intervention. In the foreword of Juyeok translated by Richard Wilhelm, he mentions a possibility of the interpretation of Juyeok applying 'synchronicity.' According to him, Juyeok is a material not to predict the future or tell the fate ordained, but to look back on oneself or find the solutions of problems oneself. It allows the inquirer to interpret Gwae-Hyo-Sa (Explanations) not simply through the result of fortune-telling but the act of telling one's fortune. He applies 'synchronicity' to the finding of answers to one's problems in the given Gwae-Hyo-Sa. Synchronicity refers to 'the principle of non-causal relationship explaining a phenomenon of meaningful coincidence.' Here, simultaneity, unlike contingency the principle of causality refers to, means 'meaningful coincidence.' He presents a theory that the divination signs derived from Gwae-Hyo-Sang (Images) through synchronicity is a reflection of the psychology of the unconscious the fortune-teller or a man who receives the results of the divination signs has under certain circumstances on the outside. This is because Jung interprets it like this because the way of communication of Juyeok using symbolic language is not direct but indirect. Juyeok's system of symbolic language aims not at delivering objective knowledge, but the reader's self-transformation. This point can be applied in clinical philosophy. People who suffer from agony and pain in their daily lives may find meaningful and helpful advice for themselves no matter what Gwae-Hyo-Sa they choose in Juyeok. This is because it was originally hidden in their inner space and just revealed concretely through Gwae-Hyo-Sang or Gwae-Hyo-Sa in Juyeok. In this sense, we connect the meaning Gwae-Hyo-Sang or Sa contains from Juyeok to their circumstances, read counsel or advice needed ourselves and make it our own to be able to have power to change and help ourselves. And at this very point may be evaluated as an important role of Juyeok.

• 중국학논총
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• no.62
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• pp.27-47
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• 2019

王念孫在《古韻譜》中根據《詩經》, 群經, 《楚辭》等書中押韻的例子, 把古音分成了21部. 目前對王念孫《古韻譜》中押韻的研究主要側重於《詩經》部分, 因此本文以《古韻譜》收錄的群經中可以與《詩經》媲美的《周易》為研究對象, 著重通過《周易》裏也存在著可以考察的韻例這一點, 對王念孫的最後古音22部理論進行了重新考察, 特別是糾正了《周易古韻譜》韻例中的錯誤之處, 并對其遺漏的地方進行了補充.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.183-208
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• 2021

In order to examine the origin of Image-Number Theory in Cho Hoik (曺好益)'s Yixiangshuo (易象說), it is necessary to review Hu Yigui (胡一桂)'s Zhouyi Benyi Fulu Zuanzhu (周易本義附録纂注). Hu Yigui based his work on Zhu Xi's Zhouyi Benyi, he took related contents such as the Zhu Xi's writings and phrases and organized them into a fulu (附録), and he collected commentaries that matched the meaning of Zhouyi Benyi among the theories of many Confucian scholars and produced a zuanzhu (纂注). In addition to these, there are 'Yuwei (愚謂)' and 'Yuan (愚案)' which allowed him to add his own opinion. The system of Hu Yigui's Zhouyi Benyi Fulu Zuanzhu almost coincides with Cho Hoik's Yi-ological writing system. In other words, Cho Hoik appears to have written Yizhuan Bianjie (易傳辨解) and Zhouyi Shijie (周易釋解) as a fulu and zuanzhu of Zhouyi Benyi Fulu Zuanzhu. And there is Yixiangshuo which corresponds to 'Yuwei' and 'Yuan' of Zhouyi Benyi Fulu Zuanzhu. Yixiangshuo was not originally an independent Yi-ological book, but was compiled by later generations from what was recorded in the form of the head notes of Zhouyi (周易). Thus, Yixiangshuo takes almost the same form as the 'Yuwei' and 'Yuan' of Zhouyi Benyi Fulu Zuanzhu. In addition, Cho Hoik's Yixiangshuo cites many contents from 'Yuwei' and 'Yuan' of Zhouyi Benyi Fulu Zuanzhu. On the other hand, in order to examine the origin of Image-Number Theory in Cho Hoik's Yixiangshuo, the Yi-ology of Zhu Zhen (朱震) cannot be overlooked. This is true not only due to the fact that Yixiangshuo is quoting Zhu Zhen. The more significant reason is Yixiangshuo is a fundamental aspect of Zhu Zhen's Yi-ology. As demonstrated in the main body of this article, the methodology of Image-Number Theory in Yixiangshuo and its counterpart in Hanshang Yizhuan (漢上易傳) are almost identical. In conclusion, the origin of Image-Number Theory in Cho Hoik's Yixiangshuo can be found in both the Hu Yigui's Zhouyi Benyi Fulu Zuanzhu and Zhu Zhen's Hanshang Yizhuan. In particular, it can be said that its origin can be found in both the 'Yuwei' and 'Yuan' of Zhouyi Benyi Fulu Zuanzhu and the methodlogy of Image-Number Theory in Hanshang Yizhuan.

• 중국학논총
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• no.55
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• pp.51-66
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• 2017

颐斋在『颐斋乱藁』中记录了自己对周易进行学习的内容.他从1760年(庚辰)32岁开始正式在白羊寺的众多庵堂里进行研读, 历经３年, 于1763年(癸未)7月23日离开白羊寺.之后, 他与金时粲, 徐命膺, 沈定镇, 韩晚裕, 李得显等人一起对周易进行了讨论, 并将自己的见解记录下来.他留下的注释书有 『皇极经世书解』 『朱子明筮赞解』, 『阳九阴六用数图』, 『经世天地始终之数图』, 『经世四象体用之数图』, 『易学啓蒙解』 等. 还有 『读易学啓蒙』, 『论易吟』, 『大易吟』 等３首与周易相关的诗.本论文则通过这３首诗对颐斋的周易特色进行阐明, 其特色大致可以概括为受容, 继承并发展了朱熹的主张.但他对周易的理解, 就像他所说的'通过象和数可以进行更好地理解'那样, 与义理相比, 他更关心象数, 实际上关于象数的注释和讨论也更多.因此, 虽说周易从象数易和义理学方面发展为图书易和儒家易, 并由朱熹完成了象数易和义理易的大统一, 但颐斋可以说则是一位以义理易和儒家易为基础, 十分看重象数易的易学者.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.56
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• pp.181-208
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• 2018

This paper explores divination cultures of ancient China and how scriptures of the Zhou Yi had been interpreted in terms of Confucian ethics by the Confucian school focusing on Gan hexagram in the Shanghai Museum Zhou Yi manuscript. Gan hexagram shown on the Shanghai Museum Zhou Yi manuscript corresponds with Xian hexagram 咸卦 in the received text of the Zhou Yi, which means "gan 感," and the whole subjects of the hexagram are physical love and marriage between male and female. Such examples of divination for wedding between male and female are found frequently in ancient divination including Qinghuajian "Shifa" and these materials also demonstrates that Gan hexagram merely was a divination for love and marriage. However, Xunxi 荀子 "Dalue" 大略 and "Tuanzhuan" of the received text of the Zhou Yi had expanded to the dao 道 of husband and wife, and moreover, "erqi 二氣" philosophy of yin and yang by abstracting the theme of Gan hexagram, namely Xian hexagram, from love and marriage between male and female. Such expansion had stepped forward to a generative theory of all things that composes the world and cosmos in a way of natural philosophy and to a claim for peace under heaven in a way of human society through influences by shengren 聖人. "Xuguazhuan" also regards Xian hexagram 咸卦 as the dao of husband and wife and, based on it, expands to parents and children, sovereign and subject, superiors and inferiors, and the proprieties. The commentary of "Xuguazhuan" is concluded to human manners, starting with cosmic order. These statements interpreted scriptures of the Zhou Yi as Confucian ethics and show the aspects of how the Zhou Yi had become a Confucian classic.

• 한국HCI학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2009.02a
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• pp.1265-1271
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• 2009

'I-Ching Storytelling Web-Cartoon Game' suggested by Prof. Shim and Research Group may provide users with the opportunity of writing story based on I-Ching. I-Ching is the cosmological thoughts intrinsic to East Asian culture. In the perspective of the narratology, I-Ching can bee seen as a kind of database of narratives since it classifies all events emerging from the meet between the actor(human-人) and the background(time/space-天地) as the story material into 384 narrative elements(sequence) and 64 themes(motive), and consistently constructs their causal relationships. So while trying to articulate I-ching with the digital storytelling methodology, we developed the web-cartoon game. With this game, users can creatively make their own story as a play by freely interpreting, retrieving, and recomposing those 386 narrative elements and 64 themes with the I-ching's narrative guideline.