• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.21
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• pp.41-84
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• 2009

Lots of cultures, memories, histories of the local life have disappeared. Some sectors of universities and religion have keep their records in manuscript archive only. On the other hand records of public sectors were at least able to be managed by the records management law. Citizen's groups and academic bounds were also roles to get public records strong. However can we just describe whole body with only public records? As records management law a record of private sector which has value of preserving can be managed under national protection. Yet establishment of local archive is not obligate. Only stressing on public records is like what dictatorial government acted in past years. It is what we ignore diversity and request of community. We need to move our view that we have focused on public and central sectors to private and local sectors. Local records management based on locality could help to complete the entire puzzle. The way complete the puzzle is various and wide spheres including from cultural space to being extinct village. Locality is defined as the property in certain area or distinctiveness of locals. Establishing production strategies is as important as collecting records produced over the past years for local archiving. Local archiving has to be regionally conducted in phase. Moreover common wealth and recognition of communities are reflected in the acquisition process. In next to archiving local organizations and private records according to collection policy, methodology on local archiving needs for archive management and use in various public and private fields. This methodology could be possible by building a local archive networking tool. It is true that Local archiving is not familiar and clear yet. If we can turn the effort for public records we have made to endeavor for private sectors, we might expect big fruits in private sectors. We easily emphasis on globalization or internationalization, our daily lives start on our villages. Setting aside our small communities, such a puzzle of the whole would never be completed. This is good time to begin finding lost puzzle for future. The key that can find lost puzzles be held in archiving localities.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.4-15
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• 2012

Sam-Tai-Ji has been used as one of the korean traditional symbol patterns including the emblem of the Seoul olympic. Despite Sam-Tai-Ji included in 태극(Tai-Ji:太極), it has been interpreted widely as Sam-jae(三才)theory called Tian(天), Di(地) and Ren(人), or Tian, Di and Ren harmony thought(天地人 調和思想) by some religion groups and some intelligent people without exact philosophical poofs. For this reason, this research on Tai-Ji(太極) pattern follows. Although Joseon dynasty selecting Confucianism as a ruling principle, it accepted Buddhism, Taoism and Shamanism by applying them to royal tombs not officially but privately. For example, If Confucianism has to be expressed in the public places, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Li-Ben-Lun(理本論) was employed, in the private places like royal tomb construction, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Qi-Ben-Lun(氣本論) was employed. To figure out clear identification of Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) and Er-Tai-Ji(二太極), this research was conducted to study on the change process of Tai-Ji(太極). It has been considered that Tai-Ji(太極) pattern has something to do with universe in these countries such as Korea, China and Japan. In Tai-Ji(太極) pattern, Sam-Tai-Ji had been used more widely than Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) untill the Han Dang dynasty. The meaning is also indicated as Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德) in the books like "Hanseo(漢書)" "Yulryeokji(律曆志)". But, in the chinese history, there was a change of the pattern into white spot Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) in "KoTaiJiDo(古太極圖)". It had been interpreted as "Yin-Yang and vitality(陰陽生氣)." since Song Dynasty when Confucianism settled down. In this process, unlike Wu-Ji(無極), Li(理) means immateriality. So Yin-Yang(陰陽) and Li(理) were expressed with the form of Er-Tai-Ji(二太極). Therefore, Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) is the pattern that stands for Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德). It means that Yin-Yang(陰陽) gives a life to all the living things, grows them along with Te(德). It developed and flourished in Taoism and Buddhism accepting spirit existence. It is the universe view that Qi(氣) is an entity.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.121-150
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• 2004

As genre of Buddhist paintings that express generally mountains and waters, there are Eight Scenes from Life of the Buddha(八相圖), Eternal Life Painting(甘露圖), Avalokitesvara Painting(觀音菩薩圖) includes Sixteen Lohans painting(十六羅漢圖), and Hermit Painting(獨聖圖), or Mountain God Painting(山神圖) which is especially appeared in late Chosun Period. These Buddhist paintings had various backgrounds including mountains and waters, the tradition of Water Ink Painting still remains after 18th century, however the trends got complicated to express various landscapes including splendid color, waters and mountains, and it appeared to have historical trend with introduction of factors of Minhwa(民畵) so called in 19th century. Sixteen Lohans painting painted from late 19th to early 20th century, still contains the traditional factors in terms of describing background among above trends, however the main factors of expressing the background are different from other Buddhist painting which reflects historical art trends in colors and its materials by drawing various background distinctively. That is, Sixteen Lohans painting is distinct at describing the background of blue & green colored mountains and waters that is appeared in trend of Minhwa(民畵) and the royal which were popular at that time It also shows broad acceptance with introduction of new background expressions such as Sipjangsang(十長生, Picture of 10 different things of Sun, Mountain, Water, Stone, Cloud, Pine, Plant of eternal youth, tortoise, Crane, and deer to hope the eternal life) Unryoung(雲龍, Dragon Cloud), Mangho(猛虎, Wild Tiger), Gweseck(怪石, Oddly shaped stone), Hwajo(花鳥, Flowers and Birds), Chaekgoeri(冊巨里, The books and bookshaves). In terms of its materials, positive representations of eternal life, wealth and luck were mainly appeared, this is closely related with Self-Search of Buddhist which was the trend at that time that Buddhist turned into the popularized religion in Chosun Period, especially the cooperation of popular belief with Taoism. This is appeared on various Taoists that is expressed in Buddhist paintings of Sixteen Lohans painting at that time. It would provide some clauses to infer the painted years of existing Minhwa at the fixed type of folk story paintings appeared on Sixteen Lohans painting painted mainly from late 19th to early 20th Century. There is also a possibility of the active participation of Buddhist painters(佛畵僧) as painters of Minhwa by request and demands from common people. Inquiry into factors of folk story paintings among Buddhist paintings started from similarity of the materials and shapes, however it doesn't seem to have dramatically expressed comic or exceptional techniques. But, the fact that there are similar types of decorative pictures in the Royal Court rather seemed to be possible for Buddhist paintings to have functions as religion.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.489-524
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• 2016

This study examines the birth of a genre, the $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ Misemono Opera, focusing on how it accepted and modernized Katarimono $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$. Unlike earlier studies, it argues that Terayama was clearly different from other first-generation Angura artists, in that he rebirthed the medieval story $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ as a modern Misemono Opera. Shintokumaru (1978) was directed by Terayama $Sh{\bar{u}}ji$, a member of the first generation of Japan's 1960s Angura Theatre Movement. It takes as its subject the Katarimono $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ Shintokumaru, a story set to music that can be considered an example of the modern heritage of East Asian storytelling. $Sekky{\bar{o}}$ Shintokumaru is set in Tennoji, Japan. The title character Shintoku develops leprosy as a result of his stepmother's curse and is saved through his fiancee Otohime's devoted love and the spiritual power of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara. In this work, Terayama combined the narrative style of $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ with J.A. Caesar's shamanistic rock music and gave it the subtitle 'Misemono Opera by $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$'. He transforms its underlying theme, the principle of goddesses and their offspring in a medieval religious world and the modori (return) instinct, into a world of mother-son-incest. Also, the pedestrian revenge scene from $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ is altered to represent Shintokumaru as a drag queen, wearing his stepmother's clothes and mask, and he unites sexually with Sensaku, his stepbrother, and ends up killing him. The play follows the cause and effect structure of $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$. The appearance of katarite, a storyteller, propelling the narrative throughout and Dr. Yanagida Kunio is significant as an example of the modern use of self-introduction as a narrative device and chorus. Terayama $Sh{\bar{u}}ji^{\prime}s$ memories of desperate childhood, especially the absence of his father and the Aomori air raids, are depicted and deepened in structure. However, seventeen years after Terayama's death, the version of the play directed by Ninagawa Yukio-based on a revised edition by Kishida Rio, who had been Terayama's writing partner since the play's premier-is the today the better-known version. All the theatrical elements implied by Terayama's subtitle were removed, and as a result, the Rio production misses the essence of the diverse experimental theatre of Terayama's theatre company, $Tenj{\bar{o}}$ Sajiki. Shintokumaru has the narrative structure characteristic of aphorism. That is, each part of the story can stand alone, but it is possible to combine all the parts organically.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.238-259
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• 2021

Gameunsa Temple is a Buddhist temple from the mid-Silla period. Construction began during the reign of King Munmu and was completed during the second year of King Sinmun's reign (682). This study is based on the results of excavations at the Gameunsa Temple site, exploring the findings presented in the literature in the field of history. This study also investigates the characteristics of the construction plan of Gameunsa Temple and its correlation with the political, social, and religious environment of the time. The results of the study are as follows: (1) First, it is confirmed that all of the buildings in the central block of Gameunsa Temple, such as the pagoda and corridor, the central gate, and the auditorium, fit within 216 cheoks by 216 cheoks (Goguryeo unit of measurement, estimated dimensions 353.30 mm), in terms of the base structure. This fact is highly significant considering the intent of the King in the mid-Silla period to advocate Confucian political ideals at the Donghaegu sites (Daewangam, Igyeondae Pavilion, and Gameunsa Temple), as confirmed by the relationship between the 'Manpasikjeok legend' and the Confucianism of the etiquette and the music; the relationship between the name of the 'Igyeondae Pavilion' and the 'I Ching'; and the relationship between the 'Taegeuk stones excavated from the Gameunsa Temple site' and the 'I Ching.' Additionally, it may be presumed that the number in the "Qian 216" on the Xici shang of 'I Ching' was used as a basis for determining the size of the central block in the early stages of the design of Gameunsa Temple. The layout of the halls and pagodas of Gameunsa Temple was planned to be within a 216-cheok-by-216-cheok area, from the edge to the center, i.e., on the central axis of the temple, in the following order: the central gate and auditorium, the north-south position of Geumdang Hall, the south corridor, the east-west buildings of the auditorium and the winged corridor, the east-west corridor, and the central position of the east-west stone pagoda. (2) Second, the coexistence of Confucianism and Buddhism in the architecture of Gameunsa Temple is based on the understanding of the Golden Light Sutra, originating from the aspirations of King Munmu to obtain the immeasurable merits (陰陽調和時不越序 日月星宿不失常度 風雨隨時無諸災横) and the light of the Buddha, which is metaphorically represented by the sun and the moon illuminating the whole world of Silla, a new nation with a Confucian political ideology, for a long time by "circumambulating the Buddha (旋繞)". It is also presumed that Gyeongheung, who was appointed by King Munmu to be the Guksa in his will and appointed as the Gukro after the enthronement of King Sinmun, was deeply involved in the conception and realization of the syncretism of Confucianism and Buddhism.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.193-224
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• 2019

Shaman's play is significant in that it provided public theater for a long time in the theatrical and dramatic history. Unlike upper class who could call entertainer or Korean geisha in the traditional society, the majority of ordinary people could see professional performances through gut. Therefore, the shaman of the traditional society pulled the play which developed in the gut and the outside play into the gut and prepared the performance street for the ordinary people. shaman's play, apart from the religious context, has also functioned as a theatrical performance. Through shaman's play, you can see the process of ritual development into play. Shaman's play is a ritual ritual of expel calamity in an agriculture based society. In Korean consciousness, evil spirits are thought to bring disease or disaster to humans, so they should be good for evil spirits. This is a ritual that goes hand in hand with the Confucian Yeoje and the Buddhist Suryukjae. Most traditional plays, including masque performance, tend to weaken and become stifling after the designation of intangible cultural properties. However, shaman's play is transformed every time it is executed and is given a new meaning. Depending on the ability of the shaman to respond to and accommodate social change, adaptability is excellent depending on the situation in the field. Shaman's play has richness, prevent calamity and playful elements such as imitation of god and sexual connection based on the element of shamanism. In addition, it is necessary to pay attention to the meaning and the direction of Shaman's play because it is differentiated into play including social subject beyond mere magic imitation.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.21
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• pp.323-367
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• 2013

한국의 대순진리회는 증산 성사의 가르침을 숭신하는 종교단체로서, 한국 사회에 상당한 영향력을 가지고 있다. 1969년 창설된 대순진리회는 포덕·교화·수도를 삼대 기본사업으로, '음양합덕·신인조화·해원상생·도통진경'을 종지로, '안심·안신·경천·수도'를 사강령으로, '성·경·신'을 수도의 삼요체로 삼고 있다. 또한 인간개조와 포덕천하·구제창생·보국안민을 통하여 지상천국을 건설하는 것을 목표로 한다. 대순진리회는 사상적 측면에서 무(巫)와 유(儒)·불(佛)·도(道)를 포용하고 있다. 이러한 대순사상을 바탕으로 대순진리회의 도인들은 근엄하고 세밀한 실천수도를 수행하는데, 그 내용을 살펴보면 중국 유·불·도의 양생문화와 많은 공통점이 있는 동시에, 또한 뚜렷한 한국 문화의 특색을 띠는 부분도 있다. 이런 면들은 모두 개인적 수도와 사회적 안정을 실현하는 데 큰 도움이 되고 있다. '안심·안신·경천·수도'의 사강령은 대순진리회의 도인들이 지켜야 할 가장 기본적인 행위규범이다. '성·경·신'의 삼요체는 사강령을 실천하기 위한 내면적 수양으로서 모든 수도활동의 근본이 되는 것이다. 삼요체 중에서 '성'을 가장 근본적인 것으로 생각하는데, 그 이유는 오직 '성'을 갖춘 사람만이 '경'과 '신'을 논할 수 있기 때문이다. 반대로 마음속에 망념이 있거나 경거망동을 하는 사람들은 상제에 대한 '경'과 '신'을 잃게 된다. '성실함'이라는 내면적 도덕 품성은 인간으로 하여금 더욱 정직하고 안정되며 오래 지속되게 한다. 뿐만 아니라 '성'은 수도자들로 하여금 더욱 순수해지고, 어리석음을 버리게 한다. 크나큰 도를 성취하려면 먼저 이렇게 얼핏 보기에는 어리석지만 끈기 있는 마음이 필요하다. '성'하면 기운이 솟구쳐 내면이 더욱 안정되고 번뇌는 사라진다. 성심을 수련하면 마음이 안정되고, 마음이 안정되면 정신이 안정되는데, 정신이 안정되면 걱정이 사라지기에 몸도 건강해진다. 삼요체중 '경'과 '신'에 있는 큰 의미 가운데 하나는 상제님에 대한 경배와 믿음을 끝까지 가지라는 것이다. '해원상생·보은상생'은 대순사상의 가장 중요한 대도(大道) 윤리로서 도인들의 수도를 인도하는 기본적인 법칙이다. 대순진리회에서 말하는 해원은 단지 개인 한 사람의 해원이 아니라 우주의 질서를 바로잡는 해원이라는 점에서 중요하다. 그렇기 때문에 대순진리회 도인들은 개개인으로 시작하여 자신의 원한을 해결할 뿐만 아니라, 땅의 원한, 천민의 원한, 여인의 원한 등 모든 원을 해결해 주고자 한다. 즉 삼계의 모든 불평등을 해소하고 불합리한 부분을 바로잡는 것이다. 해원의 다른 측면은 보은이라 할 수 있다. 해원과 보은은 상보상조의 관계에 있는데, 이는 곧 도인들이 행하는 수도의 양 날개라 생각된다. 해원을 통하여 과거의 장애를 제거하고, 보은을 통하여 현재의 덕을 쌓는 것이다. 보은을 하려면 항상 감사의 마음을 간직해야 한다. 그 의미는 인간관계에 있어서 다른 사람이 베푼 은혜를 항상 고맙게 생각해야 한다는 것이며, 더 나아가 천지가 우리에게 베푼 은혜도 감사하게 생각해야 한다는 것이다. 모든 원한이 풀어지고, 모든 은혜를 다 갚았을 때 삼계가 조화롭고 통하게 될 것이다. 대순진리회에서는 도인들의 실천수도 면에서 두 가지 측면을 강조하는데, 즉 포덕교화와 근언신행이다. 근언신행은 자아발전을 위한 도인들의 내적 수련이며, 포덕교화는 도인들이 외부 세상에 대순사상을 알리고 가르치는 것을 말한다. 양자는 동전의 양면과 같이 떨어질 수 없는 관계에 있다. 다른 사람을 포덕·교화 하려면 도인들 스스로가 먼저 말과 행동에 조심해야 한다. 왜냐하면 말과 행동을 조심하는 것 자체가 곧 포덕교화에서 다른 사람의 모범이 되기 때문이다. 인생을 살면서 추구해야 할 가장 높은 목표는 덕(德)을 세우는 것이고, 그 다음은 공(功)을 세우는 것이며, 그 다음은 언(言)을 세우는 것이다. 덕·공·언은 세월이 지나도 그 가치가 빛을 바래지 않는다. 이 세 가지 중 한 가지를 이룬 사람이면 불후하다고 할 수 있다. 성인들이 성인으로 칭송 받았던 이유는 모두 육체를 초월한 덕·공·언으로 세상을 풍요롭게 했기 때문이다. 그렇기 때문에 비록 그들이 세상을 떠났다 하더라도 마치 살아있는 것처럼 영원히 추앙되니, 이것을 통하여 영생을 얻는 것이다. '영생(永生)' 만큼 높은 경지에 도달하는 '양생'이 또 어디에 있겠는가? 대순진리회 실천수도의 최고목표는 바로 인간 내면의 수양을 최고의 경지로 끌어올리는 것으로서 이는 곧 음양합덕·도통진경이다. 다시 말해서 영원히 불후한 경지에 이르고 만세(萬歲)토록 영생하는 것이며 신(神) 그리고 성인이 되는 것이다.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.129-160
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• 2006

The purposes of this study were to find 1) the realities of social anxiety and perception of various kinds of social problems that exists in Korean society as well as the perception on the events that causes the social anxiety, 2) to see the difference of perceived level of social anxiety through variables of social demography and difference of perception on Korean society. The sample was distributed according to population size distinguishing the nation to 6 regions. The data of 1,375 adult respondents were analysed. The results are as follows. First of all, respondents mentioned that the most immediate problem to be solved in Korean society was financial anxiety, and the most desirable state of society was when the society is financially stabled. Single question was measured about social anxiety of Korean society and scored 6.84 from full marks of 10, showing difference in variables for instance sex, age, and subjective S.E.S. where women, aged under 20, and perceived low class group showed the highest rate of social anxiety. However, there weren't any difference found in social anxiety of the variables like presence of religion, educational background, residence, and monthly average household income. Also, there were differences in level of social anxiety according to the difference of perception of Korean society. Higher the perceived unpredictability, uncontrollability, and unmovability to the upper class, unfairness, and uncertainty, unreliability of the Korean society, higher the social anxiety. And the lower the perceived chance of success of reformation, higher the social anxiety. It was also found that the perceived social anxiety is influenced by social accidents and phenomenon as unemployment, economic depression, and the gap between rich and poor as well as the increase of crime through effluence of personal information. Finally the limitations and implications of this study were discussed.

• Korean Journal of Psychosomatic Medicine
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.116-123
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• 1999

Objectives : The authors attempted to assess how much the mechanism of dissociation affects somatization disorder patients psychopathologically, and explore the relationship between sexual or physical abuse and somatic symptoms in somatization disorder patients. Methods : The authors administered the Dissociative Experiences Scales-Korean version(DESK) and Dissociative Disorders Interview Schedule to 25 patients with somatization disorder and 51 normal subjects. Results : There were no significant demographic differences between patient and control groups. The mean score of DES-K for patient group was 18.2, and 10.0 for the control group. The percentage of the individuals with high scores(20 and over) was 36.0 in the patient group and 7.8 in the control group, respectively. The percentage of the individuals with sexual and/or physical abuse was 16.0 in the patient group and zero in the control group. Our results showed that DES-K scores were not influenced by the factor of age or religion in either group, but the scores of the patients with somatization disorder were significantly higher than those in the normal subjects. Conclusion : There was an implication that the mechanism of dissociation affects issues of psychopathogenesis and psychopathology in Korean patients with somatization disorder, even though they have different sociocultural backgrounds in comparison to Western patients. The authors suggest it is useful to focus attention on childhood abuse and dissociation in the evaluation and dynamic psychotherapy of patients with somatization disorder.

• Journal of the Korean Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.163-174
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• 1997

This study was to know the influence of familial environment and moral development on conduct disorder. Subjects were composed of 47 male and female patients with conduct disorder(patients group), 113 general male and female students(normal group), and 173 juvenile prisoners(JP group). The Korean Form of the Family Environment Scale(FES) was used to assess the family environment of the subjects and the Korean Defining Issues Test(DIT) was used to assess the moral development. Conduct disorder was diagnosed with the DSM-III-R criteria for conduct disorder. The influence of familial environment and moral development on conduct disorder was analyzed with ANOVA and the differences among groups were verified with Scheffe test. There was no difference in the socioeconomic status and the physical abuse by the parents among the three groups. But the rates of divorce or separation of the parents were significantly highest in the JP group and higher in the patients group than in the normal group. Especially the subjects of the JP group experienced the divorce or separation of their parents during the preschool or the elementary school periods. In regard to the family environment, there was no difference among the three groups in the Subscales of Expressiveness, Independence, Intellectual-cultural orientation, Moral-religious emphasis, Organization, and Control. ‘Cohesion Subscale’ was significantly higher in the normal group than in the JP group. ‘Conflict Subscale’ was significantly higher in the JP and patients groups than in the normal group. ‘Achievement orientation Subscale’ was significantly lower in the JP group than in the patients and normal groups. ‘Activerecreational orientation’ was significantly lower in the normal group than in the JP and patients groups. In gegard to the moral developmental stage, the lower moral developmental step was higher in the JP and patients groups than in the normal group. The higher steps were significantly higher in the normal group than in the JP group. There was no significant correlation between the degree of ‘Moral-religious emphasis Subscale’ and the moral development. The clinical implication and limitation of present study were listed and discussed.