• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.3
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• pp.57-66
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• 2022

Since the discovery of the inscriptions engraved with the "Chinese characters of Empress Wu(則天文字)" at 251 and 256-1, Seonjin-ri, Sacheon-si, Gyeongsangnam-do in 2003, researchers from the Gyeongnam Institute of Cultural Properties, Kwak Seung-Hoon, and Kim Chang-Gyeom have attempted to read and interpret the inscriptions. However, there are still different theories as to the origin of the "Chinese characters of Empress Wu" appearing in the inscriptions and the use of Idu(吏讀)-type notation. This study aims to clarify, this inscription was erected by the king of Silla in the late 7th and mid-8th centuries to commemorate his participation in the Sacheon and Jinju patrols and Buddhist activities, and it is revealed that the main character of the inscription is likely to be King Seongdeok who has visited southern countries. In addition, in the case of "上了言", which has been interpreted as a human name, it should be understood as an Idu-type notation or a 變體漢文 because of the use of the proposition 了, and it should be interpreted as a character that means the end of a specific act. Although it is not a religious text like 『Mugujeonggwangdaedaranigyeong (The Great Dharani Sutra)』, the reason why the "Chinese characters of Empress Wu(則天文字)" was used is that in the process of accepting the Huayan school, the royal family of Silla came into contact with the Buddhist scriptures of the period of the Empress Wu, which is closely related to the rise of the Huayan school in the Middle Ages, and it appears to have learned and used in this process.

• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.70-81
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• 2023

The choice of business method is a necessary decision at the last moment of life, and to this end, we use several criteria. Our funeral methods were dominated by ancestral worship culture and religion, not nature. It is only recently that nature was used as a means from a human perspective, but natural field methods such as consideration for nature and symbiosis with nature have emerged. The recent high public preference for natural fields is today's strong zeitgeist and nature-friendly values. Based on statistics in 2021, Korea's national cremation rate exceeded 92%, and compared to less than 20% of the cremation rate just 20 years ago, our business method has changed rapidly. As the cremation promotion movement and government policies, which began in the early 90s, were systematically developed, the enshrinement facility was established next to us. However, while this was also subject to criticism of national damage, the Jang Act called natural field was introduced into the system in 2008, and about 15 years have passed, but the revitalization of natural field is slower than expected. One of the reasons for the stagnation of development is to forget the basic spirit of the natural field (once you return to the forest), and to think like a graveyard grave. Accordingly, this study aims to identify the background of the introduction and current operation of natural fields and present development measures to improve memorial services to make natural fields loved by the people.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.401-418
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• 2023

Recently, the socio-economic interest in Large Language Models (LLMs) has been growing due to the emergence of ChatGPT. As a type of generative AI, LLMs have reached the level of script creation. In this regard, it is important to address the issue of discrimination (sexism, racism, religious discrimination, ageism, etc.) in the performing arts in general or in specific performing arts works or organizations in a large language model that will be widely used by the general public and professionals. However, there has not yet been a full-scale investigation and discussion on the issue of discrimination in the performing arts in large-scale language models. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to textually analyze the perceptions of discrimination issues in the performing arts from LMMs and to derive implications for the performing arts field and the development of LMMs. First, BBQ (Bias Benchmark for QA) questions and measures for nine discrimination issues were used to measure the sensitivity to discrimination of the giant language models, and the answers derived from the representative giant language models were verified by performing arts experts to see if there were any parts of the giant language models' misperceptions, and then the giant language models' perceptions of the ethics of discriminatory views in the performing arts field were analyzed through the content analysis method. As a result of the analysis, implications for the performing arts field and points to be noted in the development of large-scale linguistic models were derived and discussed.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.2
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• pp.62-85
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• 2009

The Nam-Hae Sin-sa, the South Sea shrine in Yeong-Am, Korea was a national institution for public peace and bliss, was excavated in 2000, and the shrine and the 3-way-gate were reconstructed in 2001. Hae Sin-sa, the Sea shrine is a place for religious service separated into the Nam-Hae Sin-sa, the Dong-Hae Myo, and the Seo-Hae Dan. The Dong-Hae Myo was reconstructed, but restored shrine and 3-way-gate of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa is not perfect in comparison with excavation plan in 2000, therefore new reconstruction was researched through the related literature, the analysis of historical maps and excavation results, the interview with the concerned people and the case study. This research defines the analysis of the Plan of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa Reconstruction as follows. 1. The Nam-Hae Sin-sa was the institution for religious service operated by national direct management, represents the shrine for public peace and bliss on the Mountain, the Sea, and the River. Especially the Nam-Hae Sin-sa had an important position on the pivot of international trade with China and Japan, and had a role of main shrine with another one in the Mt. Ji-ri San. 2. The name of the Sea shrine was called as Nam-Hae Sin-sa(the South Sea shrine), Dong-Hae Myo(the East Sea shrine), Seo-Hae Dan(the West Sea shrine). But the name of the South Sea shrine had changed in the early period of Chosun as Nam-Hae Sin-sa to the later Chosun as Nam-Hae Dang through the research of related literature and historical map. Such as the Seo-Hae Dan, it was constructed for the Dan, the flat raised-floor without buildings, and changed to the type of Sa-Dang with addition of buildings. 3. The historical map of Hae Sin-sa informs the types of the roof, the Mat-bae roof was used in the Dong-Hae Myo, but the Pal-jak roof was showed in the Seo-Hae Dan and the Nam-Hae Sin-sa. 4. According to the analysis of Yong-Ch'uck the unit length, Nam-Hae Sin-sa was reconstructed in the period of Koryo on large scale, but it was restored in the Chosun on middle scale. And the Unit of Yong Ch'uck was changed into Yeong-jo Ch'uck in the period of Chosun. 5. As the results, The Plan of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa Reconstruction designed the new shrine into the 3 Kan front and the 2 Kan side with 3:2 scale. An-ch'o-gong with Yong-du and Yong Mi the ornaments represents head and tail of dragon, the Un-gong and the ornament of Pa-ryun-dae-gong in the building, and the Ch'ung-ryang of the Yong-du show the image of the institution for religious service for the god of the sea who look like dragon. The inner gate building and the main entrance were designed as same plan and scale as Hyang-gyo, the Korean Traditional School and Shrine of Confucianism, on the basis of results of excavation. Raise the 3-tall gate of the main entrance with harmony of the scale and the shape, because the side of gate building has the Mat-bae roof. 6. This research shows that Plan of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa Reconstruction is composed into shrine space and reservation space from the main entrance to inner gate and shrine like Jung-ak Dan in the Mt. Gye-ryong San, and it also informs the well in the west side of Sin-sa is an important factor of the plan of shrine architecture.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.60-79
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• 2012

Environment of ancient Chinese Buddhist temple can be classified to three types such as regional society(鄕村), famous mountain(名山), and urban areas(都市). This made differences in environment where a temple existed and in turn, affected development of Buddhism. And this made another type in relationship between Buddhist temple and a society. This study explains influences which regional society gave on not only Buddhist temple and a monk but also existence and development of Buddhism. When temples are placed in different environmental position, that is, urban areas and regional society, among a social structure, they eventually should adapt to a different society externally and internally. As told in above, ancient Chinese Buddhist temple was located in regional society, famous mountain, and urban areas. Since Eastern Jin and Sixteen Kingdoms, as number of temple much increased, and temples and monks were concentrated on famous mountain, temples in famous mountains and urban areas had developed showing similar aspects each other. But because temples in regional society were influenced a little differently, this study focused on the point. There are four kinds of influences between temples and monks in regional areas. Monks in regional areas had a comparatively close relationship with a society because they came from same area or surrounding areas. Therefore,powers of regional areas restrict influences made by monk group in temple. Second, temples in regional areas shared their joys and sorrows depending on regional economy. Temples in regional areas became a public place for the society and often a market place. In fact, construction and existence of a temple originally became a driving force in regional economy. This is because construction of temple needs artisans and materials and some temples had visitors and included market economy like consumption of incense and candles, though the economic size was large or small. And when regional areas experienced natural disaster or man-made disaster or had poor harvest or economy was in depression, monks left temples and then, temples themselves could not exist. Third, the relationship between temples in regional areas and Buddhists was distinguished from the temples in urban areas and famous mountains. This is because temples in China were places where monks practiced and at the same time, places where general Buddhists worshipped. So there were always a number of Buddhists around the temples. Forth, Buddhism in resional areas was connected to regional Folk beliefs. As a result, Buddhism was spread across the nation, worship with local color often was changed to Buddhist belief or was tinged with Buddhism. While temples in regional areas maintained a close relationship with regional society.they were influenced by the region or gave influences. As a representative example, temples in regional areas showed model behaviors instead of roles of facilities related to various cultures with comparatively advanced level - for example, school, hospital etc. The temples highly affected funerary rites in regional areas. Chinese tombs were mainlymade in regional areas. After death,people living in urban areas were buried in hometown or at least, they were buried in suburbs not urban areas. Temples in regional areas generally participated in funerary rites. Above shows that though most of famous Buddhist temples were located in urban areas not in famous mountains,majority of temples were located in vast regional areas. Through mutual interaction between temples and regional society, the temples in the regional areas were related to Chinese people of over 90% and regional areas became the most important foundation for Buddhism in China. Mutual influences between temples in regional areas and the general public in regions were omnidirectional and spreaded to every aspects of social life in small or large degree. Thus Tombs in temple were widely spreaded across regional areas over time and space. This is enough to explain a close relationship between Buddhist temples and rural society in ancient China.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.75-88
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• 2014

This research aims to introduce the external type of natural funeral landscape facilities and to examine the effect of its visual image factor on the preference for them. For this purpose, a survey was conducted among 549 persons including 224 experts on the funeral services. The majority of respondents in this research live in the Seoul, Daejeon, Jeonju, and Busan areas. Burial place facilities and memorial facilities among natural funeral landscape facilities for the study are selected and categorized into five types, respectively. Of these, the funeral area type includes a woody style, a garden style, a flower style, a grass style and a scattered ashes style. As a result, firstly, from the factor analysis, three image factors are extracted such as a physical factor, an external-appearing factor and a symmetrical factor from the burial place facilities. Secondly, the most flavored among 5 burial palace facilities is woody style, followed a flower style, a garde style, a grass style and a scattered ashes style. Third, we draw a perception map based on the average values of each image factors. Forth, we find some significant difference in the evaluation of the image factors of burial place facilities by characteristics of the respondents. The gender, age, the education level and the facilities type reveal the significant difference in a physical factor. Moreover, we find a significant difference in the level of an external-appearing factor according to a gender, religion, a group members, and in the level of a symmetrical factor according to the gender, the education level, and the facilities type. Fifth, we execute a regression analysis in order to analyze the effect of the image factors on its preference for the burial place and memorial facilities. We find a positive effect of a physical, an external appearing and a symmetrical factor on its preference. Finally, we examine a moderating effect of a group member between the image factors and its preference. We find a significant positive moderating effect of an external-appearing factor for a garden style in the case of the burial place facilities. In this study are suggests that fix the problem of natural funeral landscape facilities typical naming contribute to the development of the early beginning natural funeral landscape facilities and study on development of natural funeral landscape facilities suitable for domestic. In addition, this study has shown that having rational guideline when people use natural funeral that develop a funeral culture through preference natural funeral standard visual image analysis such as preserve the traditional funeral philosophy and a new aesthetic needs.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.49-58
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• 2010

This study is attempted to establish the concept of Byeulseo Scenic Spot that the definitions of Byeulseo and Scenic Spot would be presented first followed by clarifying the basis, reason and justification that Byeulseo would be called as Byeulseo Scenic Spot that the following is the major results formulated herein. First, the concept of scenic spot under the Cultural Property Act is the reference to the famous site with the building improvement well known for its great scenery or the point where splendid scenery is viewed that has the artistic value along with the trace of human lives in this cultural heritage that, although the scenery is important but the attention has to be on discovery of historic resources with the story telling in the subject site. Second, the criteria of designation on the Scenic Spot in Korea would be natural scenery, animal and plant site with well-known scenery, view point of scenery, famous building or garden and important places with legend that there lacks diversification. In this aspect, the intent of the concept of Scenic Spot would be facilitated to expand the designation of the Byeulseo Scenic Spot as the Scenic Spot of living style. Third, from the foreign cases, particularly, in Japan, it is needed to note that Byeulseos and housing gardens are designated for 196 places of Scenic Spot, reaching 55.4% of entire Scenic Spots. Laws, regulations, systems and designated criteria on the cases of designating the foreign Scenic Spots would be studied and quoted. Fourth, the classification work for each type to designate as cultural heritage has to be continued as the Scenic Spot of subject site with even more emerged for the value as the Scenic Spot in garden, original site and the like classified as historic site, important folk data and the like. Fifth, the designation of Scenic Spot of Byeulseo garden with splendid scenery as the living Scenic Spot has to be expanded. The pavilion existed now nationwide would be approximately 1,500, and these pavilions are the place where the scholars stay in the famous site, and this is the central space of Byeulseo to study, and if there is clear one that has written and record of deed to create the stories to people with the value for publicity campaign, it would be the subject of Scenic Spot. And sixth, for the case of view point with splendid scenery in Byeulseo Garden, it cannot be the subject of designation that the designation of Scenic Spot has to be expanded. In the event of the Byeulseo garden in Korea, there are many cases of having outstanding view points, and there is a few case of designating the subject site with great view point as a Scenic Spot.

• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.113-127
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• 2005

From the ancient times, incense was used for various usages including a means of beauty expression with flavor, a medicine for disease treatment and a device for religious event or ritual. The period of T'ang was the times when cultural and material exchanges with foreign countries were very actively made under the political openness of the Chinese nation. Here the exchanges were made mainly through inland trade, called Silk Road(絲綢之路) and marine trade routes, Incense Road(香料之路). This indicates that incense was one of the main items actively traded at that time. In addition, literatures of the T'ang period show that in the Chinese nation, a wide range of classes from the imperial family to the public used incense for many different purposes. This suggests that the culture of incense was deeply prevailed and very socially significant in T'ang. This study investigated social factors that promoted the incense culture of T'ang and the applications and types of incense widely used in the period of T'ang. First, influential religions and the openness of sex culture were main social factors that made incense culture flourish in the period of T'ang. Above all, two main religions of the Chinese nation, Buddhism and Taoism became secularized under political protection by the imperial family. As Buddhism was popularized, the Buddhist ritual of incense burning made a contribution to making public incense culture. Providing its doctrines of eternal youth and eternal life, Taoism necessarily used incense to form a Taoistic climate. The flourishment of the foresaid religion in T'ang added more fuel to that of incense culture in the Chinese nation. The openness of sex culture brought about the Inauguration of the empress, improvement in female position and free relationships between man and woman. It was accelerated by sexology as a method of eternal youth provided by Taoism. The opened culture also developed the culture of kibang where female entertainers called kinyeo consumed lots of incense for decoration and sexual desire stimulation. These open climates of T'ang society made a great contribution to making incense culture, especially for decoration, prevailed throughout the Chinese nation. Second, types of incense prevailed and widely used in the period of T'ang included olive incense, germander(廣藿香), olibnum(乳香), myrrh Resinoid(沒藥), jia Xiang(甲香), clove(丁香) and Shen xian(沈香), all of which were imported from foreign nations and had various applications. Specifically, olive incense, germander(廣藿香), olibnum(乳香) and myrrh Resinoid(沒藥) were used for religious purposes while, jia Xiang(甲香), clove(丁香) and Shen xian(沈香) for the purposes of religion and decoration. In conclusion, a number of social factors including political, religious and medical purposes and the openness of sex culture set fundamentals on which the culture of incense was extensively developed and established as a social trend in T'ang. In the Chinese nation, incense culture was not just an option for taste, but a part of life style social members needed to know. People of T'ang not only enjoyed incense mainly for purposes of religion, pleasure and make-up, but also had the wisdom to know various effects of incense, curiosity about such new things and the will to imitate and pursue alien culture, resultantly flourishing incense culture. Thus the culture of incense represented many social aspects of T'ang.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.45
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• pp.219-243
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• 2016

The life of Antonin Artaud exactly reproduces a very cruel drama. He lived in constant anguish and suffered from severe mental pain. This research will trace his thoughts in his writings while he was a prisoner of language. Artaud was a poet filled with anxiety about language, things, being, and thought. Whenever he tried to explain the mystery of being by means of mundane language, he experienced psychological agony. His poetic thoughts began to break down, because of his identity loss. Nevertheless, he was destined to grasp the world through language. Artaud had suffered from mental illness during his youth. His mental illness was associated with his difficulty in creating poetry. In this research, the letter, Correspondance avec Jacques $Rivi{\grave{e}}re$, is analyzed. The poet refers to "the collapse of the spirit's core, and the erosion of the fundamental thought that slips away" to convey his linguistic incompetence. Hereafter, he constantly demonstrated anxious mental symptoms. Even though he became mentally deranged, he maintained his consciousness, as is apparent in his writings. Also, his spiritual belief is reflected in his mental uneasiness. While he was traveling through the Tarahumaras area in Mexico, he was obsessed with its primitive belief in the Peyote rituals, and he immersed himself in performing them. His unchristian belief was the product of his mystical personality. Until his last breath, he did not give up writing. Artaud's mental derangement does not mean lunacy, but if one insists in calling it so, that is a metaphor. His derangement comes from his refusal to accept his limitations and from his aspiring to regard his body in the same light as his intellectual perceptions. His intellect could manifest more easily when his mind was elevated to the extreme. Artaud's lunacy is no different from that of a profound philosopher. The lives of poets who suffer from mental derangement are more poetic than the lives of those who do not. Artaud's atypical emotions provide a way of to measure our own limitations, helplessness, and resignation. His scream is nonsegmental but different from that of a mental patient. That difference is why people are interested in his works and wish to delve into his writings.