• Korean Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.209-215
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• 1979

The manoeuvrabilities of a ship are decided by the values of her manoeuvring indices. The manoeuvring indices consist of two kinds: indices K and T. The former decides a ship's turning ability and the latter, the length of time delay to a steady turning motion after her rudder has finished the turn of an ordered angle. In this paper, the author figured out the values of the manoeuvring indices of the m. s. 'SAEBADA' (GT: 2,275,7 ton), the training ship of tile National Fisheries University of Busan through her Z test and analyzed these values and the other data which were obtained from her Z test to study her manoeuvrabilities. The results of]tamed are summarized as follows: 1. The manoeuvring indices K' of the m. s. 'SAEBADA' were $1.052(at\;10{\circ}\;Z\;test)\;0.925(at\;20{\circ}\;Z\;test)\;and\;0.877(at\;30{\circ}\;Z\;test)$. Her manoeuvring indices $0.815(at\;10{\circ}\;Z\;test)\;0.502(at\;20{\circ}\;Z\;test)\;and\;0.441(at\;30{\circ}\;Z\;test)$. Her above calculated values K', T' showed that her obeying ability to the turn of her rudder was more increased when her rudder was used to large angle than to small angle, but on the other hand in this case her turning ability was slightly reduced. 2. As it appeared that the calculated K'-values of the m.s. 'SAEBADA' were slightly smaller than the standard K'-values of the fishing boats similar in length, and her overshoot angles at her Z test were greater than other general ships, her turning ability was found to t]e slightly lower. 3. When the m. s. 'SAEBADA' took a turn at her $10^{\circ}\;Z$ test, running distance was about 8.6 times her own length and didn't exceed the standard manoeuvrability distance, 5 to 11 times general ships' own length, therefore she was considered to have a good manoeuvrability synthetically.

• FLOWER RESEARCH JOURNAL
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.125-135
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• 2010

To discover the main characteristics of Korean traditional flower arrangement, they were compared with different articles and old paintings used in royal court ceremonies. The primary research involved principle of design. The times periods used were the Joseon Dynasty era of Korea, the Ming era of China, and the Edo eras of Japan. The result, which shows both the similarities and differences, of the research is summarized as follows. The similarities were that they all respect the features of nature, and their image expresses their creator's thinking. There was one technique, called 'Suje', in which a part of the stem is coming out from one branch. Also, each three eras preferred flowering trees and ornamental trees more than annuals or foliage plants. one of the differences was that korea used a simple number of materials. The work had volume and appeared mild by using a soft curved line which was repetitive and massive. The Joseon Dynasty era advanced a sense of beauty with artistic symmetry and balance. The work seemed soft and natural because of the little change in blank space, with almost no angle of line. The form had a characteristic preference of being taller than the typical Japanese arrangement. It appeared simple, calm, and rustic by using only one kind of material. In contrast, the Chinese style was gorgeous and displayed volume in a non-symmetrical tripodal form, which incorporated various colors and materials. Also, they avoided processing the materials in order to emphasize the original beauty of nature. Chinese flower arts did not become formalized because they did not consider the formality seriously the formal. The Japanese style was also gorgeous because it incorporated various materials and angles. It included an extreme technique in which an artificial line divided the blank space delicately. The line was both strong and delicate in an established form. The restriction of the main branch gave a light feeling, as well as more strain as in a balance sense. The Japanese eras emphasized more the use of line and a sense of blank space.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.4-19
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• 2012

There remain many royal tombs of the Goryeo Dynasty in Gaeseong and Ganghwa. During the Goryeo Dynasty, these royal tombs were taken over tradition of tomb construction style from previous generation, and they completed their own inventive style. Furthermore they handed down those style to the Joseon Dynasty. The area of tomb was divided into 3 or 4 steps, and stone figures and T-shaped houses for sacrifice were arranged on each steps. It was the stone chamber of lateral opening style which had an entrance to southward, and it was formed as a rectangular box-shaped with a pile of stone walls and a flat ceiling. There was a coffin stand in the middle of floor, and traditional bricks were around them. The wall side and ceiling had been whitewashed and painted pictures. These are general characteristics for the tomb construction style of the Goryeo Dynasty. By the way, we can notice a number of features except those general things with inspection in detail. In early days, we confirmed 1step-parallel fulcrum ceiling, coffin stand of all in one stone, bier of burial artifact, and mural of plant material as a set, but they were changed as flat ceiling, Red-stone wall with rectangular stone, coffin stand set as stone pillar through the period of transitional form as of in the late 12th century. In case of several royal tombs, the fragments of king's epitaph which were confirmed from tombs could be defined owners clearly, and there were considerable timing difference between the large numbers of celadons which were excavated with the fragments of king's epitaph and recording chronologically of stone chamber structure. The reason for timing difference is that posterity artifacts were buried through repairing courses by occasion of destruction caused by robbing of the royal tombs. Meanwhile I inferred the existing hypothesis about owners of royal tombs and autonym ones in comparison the burial spot direction of hypothesis ones and outcomes of excavation. Therethrough, some hypothesis about owners of royal tombs such as Myung-neung which was assumed as tomb of the King Choongmok were not correct.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.48
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• pp.93-139
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• 2016

Aside from serving as a body that monitors and criticizes the government through reviews and comments on public issues, newspapers can also form and spread public opinion. Metadata contains certain picture records and, in the case of local newspapers, the former is an important means of obtaining locality. Furthermore, advertising in newspapers and the way of editing in newspapers can be viewed as a representation of the times. For the value of archiving in newspapers when a documentation strategy is established, the newspaper is considered as a top priority that should be collected. A newspaper archive that will handle preservation and management carries huge significance in many ways. Journalists use them to write articles while scholars can use a newspaper archive for academic purposes. Also, the NIE is a type of a practical usage of such an archive. In the digital age, the newspaper archive has an important position because it is located in the core of MAM, which integrates and manages the media asset. With this, there are prospects that an online archive will perform a new role in the production of newspapers and the management of publishing companies. Korea Integrated News Database System (KINDS), an integrated article database, began its service in 1991, whereas Naver operates an online newspaper archive called "News Library." Initially, KINDS received an enthusiastic response, but nowadays, the utilization ratio continues to decrease because of the omission of some major newspapers, such as Chosun Ilbo and JoongAng Ilbo, and the numerous user interface problems it poses. Despite these, however, the system still presents several advantages. For example, it is easy to access freely because there is a set budget for the public, and accessibility to local papers is simple. A national library consistently carries out the digitalization of time-honored newspapers. In addition, individual newspaper companies have also started the service, but it is not enough for such to be labeled an archive. In the United States (US), "Chronicling America"-led by the Library of Congress with funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities-is in the process of digitalizing historic newspapers. The universities of each state and historical association provide funds to their public library for the digitalization of local papers. In the United Kingdom, the British Library is constructing an online newspaper archive called "The British Newspaper Archive," but unlike the one in the US, this service charges a usage fee. The Joint Information Systems Committee has also invested in "The British Newspaper Archive," and its construction is still ongoing. ProQuest Archiver and Gale NewsVault are the representative platforms because of their efficiency and how they have established the standardization of newspapers. Now, it is time to change the way we understand things, and a drastic investment is required to improve the domestic and international online newspaper archive.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.31-56
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• 2008

Jang Hyeon-gwang(張顯光, 1554-1637), whose pseudonym or courtesy name is 'Yeoheon(旅軒)', had made a thorough study on the intrinsic nature of Neo-Confucianism in a more sincere fashion, when comparing him with other Neo-Confucianists in Joseon period. Also he was a renowned scholar who expanded its philosophical system in-depth. Yeoheon thereby had strengthened his philosophical system accordant with the Great Learning(大學) and Doctrine of the Mean(中庸), which are the fundamental systems of Neo-Confucianistic education. Based on such considerations, Yeoheon's thought on education can be illuminated from three different perspectives. First, Yeoheon deepened his a theory of good governance by a virtuous ruler(聖人君主論, pronounced, 'Seongingunjuron') as the standard of education. Essentially, his theory pursues Refraining from desire, and preserving the laws of nature(存天理?人欲, pronounced, 'Joncheolliarinnyok'), and put emphasis on ethical awakening, and the governance through a virtue of moral excellence. Second, Yeoheon stressed the learning theories related to 'sincerity' or true heart(誠) and 'piety' or 'respect'(敬)) as the form of education(誠敬, pronounced, 'Seonggyeong'). Also he expounded that people needs "to establish a ground of Respect and Sincerity in their mind." He recognized the differences between the two virtues, meanwhile, however, he understood it as in an identical context. Third, Yeoheon advocated harmony between separation and integration(分合, pronounced, 'Bunhap') as a method for education. Through his unique 'Discourse on Longitude and Latitude', dubbed, 'Li-Gi Gyeongwiseol (理氣經緯說) in which the principle(Li, 理) is equal to the intrinsic energy or material force(Gi, 氣), he maintained his view on the Doctrine of the Mean, in that he was not inclined to either sides according to the logic of Change(易, pronounced 'Yeok'). When reviewing Yeoheon's contemplation in education in the meaning of modern education, he laid the standards for education on the establishment of morality, and he also provides us with an idea which induces us to look through the form and method for education from the perspective of Doctrine of the Mean. In short, Yeoheon's view on education embodies wisdom of traditional Neo-Confucianistic Education having consistency, and it provides for an implication of the review of the importance of the balance in relation to methodological bias toward confusion in the standards for modern education, and unsystematic contents therein.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.357-392
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• 2012

An author is bound to reflect his or her own thinking and inclination in his or her works. The previous studies on Changam(蒼巖), however, mostly discussed the aesthetics in the forms of his introductions and works, hardly addressing his thinking reflected in his works. Recognizing that he had the "reactionism tendency" unlike the Bukhak-School(北學派), which was the cultural mainstream of the days, this study examined the specific patterns of the reactionism calligraphy style in his learning and calligraphy processes and works. He loved to write xing-cao-shu(行草書) with a focus on the materials written in one's own calligraphy, but he also emphasized that one should obtain the force of his or her calligraphy style by mastering kai shu before calligraphy xing cao shu. He thus left a lot of works in the xiao kai(小楷) of the Wang Xzhi(王羲之) calligraphy style throughout his life, which is attributed to the influences of the calligraphers of dong-guk-jin-che(東國眞體) in the latter half of Joseon(朝鮮) and those of Lee Gwang-sa(李匡師), his master in spirit. He is distinguished from the other calligraphers of the times in that he made lifelong efforts to compensate for the lacking stroke of the pen in the model calligraphy of Wang Xzhi. In the calligraphy theory, he put importance on the traditional method of Han-Wei(漢魏) and took Cai Yong(蔡邕) and Zhong Yao(鍾繇) as the fundamentals. For da kai(大楷), he constantly practiced the with the stroke of the pen by added to it, the letters of Wei(魏) Wudi(武帝), by Yan Zhenqing(顔眞卿), and letters of Kim Saeng(金生). His late works using the intended conception of and , in particular, present his unique calligraphy style that added the crooked forms of to the shapes of characters of that were in the kai-shu(楷書) style. It is a limitation that a considerable number of calligraphy materials Changam studied or consulted were either reprint copy or block book rather than original rubbing edition due to time and space restrictions. However, it is also true that those restrictions made an important contribution to his creation of his unique calligraphy style with deep local colors at the result of his constant efforts.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.35
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• pp.35-73
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• 2009

This thesis aims at making clear correlation between the controversy that the nature of people and things is equal or different each other and Sung Confucianism, which is closed and discriminative. For this aim, I am looking closely at philosophy-reason prose that deals with the nature of people and things, from the early days of Chosun when Sung Confucianism became a new trend of thought to the later days when the controversy that the nature of people and things is equal or different had begun in earnest. This philosophy-reason prose has had gradual and important change. There are four different view points toward the nature of people and things. According to the first view point, people are the nucleus of the world. For the second one, things are thought to be important enough to be valued, but people are still the only core of the world. The third view point is that people and things are equally important and they are all the core of the world. Finally, the fourth view point regards people inferior to things and it says that things need to instruct people by scolding their bad behavior. There is a correlation between the view point of the nature of people and things and the attitude of an author. If some scholars think that people are the most important nucleus of the world, they tend to consider Sung Confucianism as the only school. On the contrary, other scholars who think that people and things are equal tend to respect other schools with open mind. In conclusion, the heated debates of the 18th century was an acute pain to destroy the closed and discriminative character of Sung Confucianism. It has contributed to innovate the thought toward the nature of people and things and the reformism of practical science have also done important role in the process of modernism's being groped by itself.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.26-44
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• 2017

Regarded as Korea's traditional pond, Gungnamj Pond was surmised to be "Gungnamji" due to its geological positioning in the south of Hwajisan (花枝山) and relics of the Gwanbuk-ri (官北里) suspected of being components to the historical records of Muwang (武王)'s pond of The Chronicles of the Three States [三國史記] and Sabi Palace, respectively, yet was subjected to a restoration following a designation to national historic site. This study is focused on the distortion of authenticity identified in the course of the "Gungnamji Pond" restoration and the invention of tradition, whose summarized conclusions are as follows. 1. Once called Maraebangjuk (마래방죽), or Macheonji (馬川池) Pond, Gungnamji Pond was existent in the form of a low-level swamp of vast area encompassing 30,000 pyeong during the Japanese colonial period. Hong, Sa-jun, who played a leading role in the restoration of "Gungnamji Pond," said that even during the 1940s, the remains of the island and stone facilities suspected of being the relics of Gungnamji Pond of the Baekje period were found, and that the traces of forming a royal palace and garden were discovered on top of them. Hong, Sa-jun also expressed an opinion of establishing a parallel between "Gungnamji Pond" and "Maraebangjuk" in connection with a 'tale of Seodong [薯童說話]' in the aftermath of the detached palace of Hwajisan, which ultimately operated as a theoretical ground for the restoration of Gungnamj Pond. Assessing through Hong, Sa-jun's sketch, the form and scale of Maraebangjuk were visible, of which the form was in close proximity to that photographed during the Japanese colonial period. 2. The minimized restoration of Gungnamji Pond faced deterrence for the land redevelopment project implemented in the 1960s, and the remainder of the land size is an attestment. The fundamental problem manifest in the restoration of Gungnamji Pond numerously attempted from 1964 through 1967 was the failure of basing the restorative work in the archaeological facts yet in the perspective of the latest generations, ultimately yielding a replication of Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. More specifically, the methodologies employed in setting an island and a pavilion within a pond, or bridging an island with a land evidenced as to how Gungnamji Pond was modeled after Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. Furthermore, Chihyanggyo (醉香橋) Bridge referenced in the designing of the bridge was hardly conceived as a form indigenous to the Joseon Dynasty, whose motivation and idea of the misguided restoration design at the time all the more devaluated Gungnamji Pond. Such an utterly pure replication of the design widely known as an ingredient for the traditional landscape was purposive towards the aesthetic symbolism and preference retained by Gyeongbok Palace, which was intended to entitle Gungnamji Pond to a physical status of the value in par with that of Gyeongbok Palace. 3. For its detachment to the authenticity as a historical site since its origin, Gungnamji Pond represented distortions of the landscape beauty and tradition even through the restorative process. The restorative process for such a historical monument, devoid of constructive use and certain of distortion, maintains extreme intimacy with the nationalistic cultural policy promoted by the Park, Jeong-hee regime through the 1960s and 1970s. In the context of the "manipulated discussions of tradition," the Park's cultural policy transformed the citizens' recollection into an idealized form of the past, further magnifying it at best. Consequently, many of the historical sites emerged as fancy and grand as they possibly could beyond their status quo across the nation, and "Gungnamji Pond" was a victim to this monopolistic government-led cultural policy incrementally sweeping away with new buildings and structures instituted regardless of their original space, and hence, their value.