This study interpreted the logical validity of the landscape restoration and maintenance patterns of Changgyeonggung Palace, where modern landscapes coexist. The results of the study are as follows; First, the changes in the landscape restoration and maintenance attitude concerning the Changgyeonggung management organization were identified. With the establishment of the Office of the Imperial Garden, an imperial property was nationalized. The Cultural Heritage Managing Department was opened in 1961, and Changgyeonggung Palace were preserved as designated as historical sites in 1963. An environmental purification was implemented by the Changgyeonggung Office as a follow-up measure for restoration in 1983. As the Cultural Heritage Administration promoted in 1999 and the Royal Palaces and Tombs Center was established in 2019, the palace has been managed professionally as a palace landscape to provide a viewing environment. Second, In the 'Purification Period of Changgyeongwon(1954~1977)', environmental purification was carried out to restore amusement facilities, install facilities for cherry blossom viewing, and develop the place into a national zoo. In the 'Reconstruction Period of Changgyeonggung(1983~1986)', restoring function as an urban park, reserving green areas, the outside space was recreated in the traditional feel, and the forest area was generally maintained. In the 'Supplementation Period of Traditional Landscape Architecture Space(1987~2009)', a uniform green landscape was created with pine trees and various vegetation landscapes centered on the flower beds. In the 'Improvement and Maintenance Period of Viewing Environment(2010~2022), a master plan was reestablished on the premise of utilization, but maintenance has been carried out in a small scale centering on unit space. Third, regarding the validity of the landscape restoration and maintenance, It was found in terms of 'originality' that the recovery of the palace system has not been expanded for over 40 years in existing areas. The 'characteristics of the times', which shows whether multi-layered history was taken into account, Changgyeongwon was excluded from the discussion in the process of setting the base year twice. In terms of 'integrity,' the area of the Grand Greenhouse where the historic states coexists needs a maintenance policy that binds the greenhouse, carpet flower bed, and Chundangji Pond. The 'utility' identified as the utilization of spaces suggests the establishment of a sense of place in the Grand Greenhouse area, which is concentrated with programs different from other areas.
This study was intended to analyze the correlation between the builder's intentions and the colors that are revealed through the analysis of the manifestation of symbolic colors as the signs and symbols that are shown in the traditional space of Soshaewon as one of the representative retreating villa gardens of Chosun Dynasty and the interpretation of the meanings. The research on the traditional colors and the intended background of Soshaewon and so on was conducted by examining the relative literature and the contents as the objects for the empirical analysis were the scenic beauties and spatial elemnts that are shown in the plan of Soshewon and the poems about Soshewon 48 scenes as well as the contents of the poems related to Five Primary Colors that are used based on "the Ideology of Five Elements of the Positive and Negative". Espectially, this study was conducted by dividing the spatial elements shown in Soswaewon broadly into the visual, synesthetic and symbolic & cognitive spaces in order to classify the locations and directions of the spaces and natural objects as the visual space, the seasons, the points of times and the five sensory organs as the synesthetic space and the "Four Moral Begginings" & the "Seven Emotions" of New Confucianism as the symbolic and cognitive space and by analyzing if there are any correlation between the decided intentions and the spatial meanings that are revealed by analyzing the system of five primary colors which are used in each spatial element.7) As a result from the analysis of the colors that are used based on the three spatial components of Soshaewon, it was found that one of Five Primary Colors were used 74 times in total. First, in the visual spatial component, one of the colors was used 18 times in total including 2 times of blue, 1 time of red, 6 times of yellow, 4 times of white and 5 times of black. The fact that yellow symbolizing the source of everything and white symoblizing cleanness and pureness are used relatively more often than blue and red symbolizing nature and life respectively can be interpreted that the builder, Mr. San-bo Yang's intention to build Soshaewon is related to the meaning symbolizing the pure will of the builder who wanted to seclude himself from society rather than to give priority to enjoying nature. Second, in the synesthetic spatial component which are selected from the 48 scenes of Soshaewon, one of Five Primary Colors was used 38 times in total including 11 times of blue, 8 times of red, 4 times of yellow, 5 times of white and 10 times of black. Since blue and red symbolizing nature and life respectively are used more often than yellow and black symbolizing the source of the world and pureness & knowledge respectively, it was interpreted that the builder means to be faithful to the unique basic functions of the retreating villa with which the builder wanted to enjoy his passion for enjoying nature and exploring knowledge even though the builder built the villa garden for the purpose of keeping himself pure while being unstained by the world. Finally, it was analyzed that one of Five Primary Colors was used 18 times in total including 4 times of blue, 5 times of red and 9 times of white in the symbolic and cognitive spatial components of the 48 scenes. Since it was found that white symbolizing the builder's political pureness is used at the same frequency as blue and red symbolizing nature and life respectively are used as a result from the analysis, it was interpreted that the intention of creating Soshaewon was emotionally revealed at the same percentage in the aspects of his political pureness and enjoyment of nature through his poems. Especially, as a result from such 3 kinds of analyses regarding to the frequency of using Five Primary Colors, it was found that the number of times using Five Primary Colors in the synesthetic spatial component was 38 as the highest percentage, around 51% followed by each 18 times as the24.5% respectively in the visual and cognitive & symbolic spatial spaces. Based on such results, it can be interpreted that the builder, Mr. San-bo Yang's intention of creating Soshaewon sympolizes that his intention for enjoying the basic nature and the vitality of nature within the retreating villa garden is hidden at the same proportion as his intention for keeping himself pure from the unrightful world. It was intended to reveal the traditional colors which are hidden in a traditional retreating villa by analyzing the correlation between the symbolic meanings and the spatial components of Soshaewon based on the Five Primary Colors which are originated from the "Ideology of the Five Natural Elements of the Positive and Negative", but it is thought that it is possible to explore whether such a theory can be generally applied to other kinds of retreating villa gardens or not through a study on other retreating villa gardens as other examples in which the builder's apparent pure intentions, such as enjoyment of nature and persuit of study, etc., unlike Soshaewon are hidden.
Through this thesis, the psychological meaning of the Korean folktale 'the servant who ruined the master's house' was examined. The opposition between the master and the servant is a universal matter of the human psychology. It can be seen as a conflict between the hardened existing collective consciousness and the new consciousness to compensate for and renew it. From different angles, it has become the opposition between man's spiritual and instinctive aspects, between the conscious and the unconscious, or between the ego and the shadow. In the folktale, the master tries several times to get rid of the youngest servant, but the servant uses tricks and wits to steal food, a horse, the youngest sister, and all money from the master, and finally, take his life. It ends with the marriage of the youngest sister and the servant. Enantiodromia, in which the master dies, and the servant becomes the new master, can be seen that the old collective consciousness is destroyed, and the new consciousness that has risen from the collective unconscious takes the dominant position. In an individual's psychological situation, it can be seen that the existing attitude of the ego is dissolved and transformed into a new attitude. In the middle of the story, the servant marries the youngest sister by exploiting naive people to rewrite the back letter written by the master to kill him. This aspect can be understood negatively in the moral concept of collective consciousness, but it can also be seen as a process of integrating mental elements that have been ignored in the collective consciousness of the Joseon Dynasty, symbolized by a woman, a honey seller, and a hungry Buddhist monk. The new consciousness, represented by the servant, has the characteristics of a trickster that is not bound by the existing frame, so it can encompass the psychological elements that have been ignored in the collective consciousness. Such element may represent compensation or an alternative to the collective consciousness in the late Joseon Dynasty. The master puts the servant in a leather bag and hangs it on a tree to kill the servant. However, the servant deceives a blind man; he opened his eyes while hanged. Instead of the servant, the blind man dies, and the servant is freed. As the problem of the conflict between master and servant is finally entrusted to the whole spirit (Self) symbolized by a tree, the blind man gets removed. It can be understood as an intention of the Self to distinguish and purify the elements of recklessness, stupidity, and greed included in the trickster. Through these processes, the servant, which symbolizes a new change in collective consciousness or a new attitude of ego, solves the existing problems and takes the place of the master. While listening to the cunning servant's performance, the audience feels a sense of joy and liberation. At the same time, in the part where the blind man and the master's family die instead and the servant becomes the master, they experience feelings of fear and concern about the danger and uncontrollability of the servant. The tricksters appearing in foreign analogies are also thoroughly selfish and make innocent beings deceive or die in order to satisfy their desires and escape from danger. Efforts to punish or reform these tricksters are futile and they run away. Therefore, this folktale can also be seen as having a purpose and meaning to let us know that this archetypal shadow is very dangerous and that consciousness cannot control or assimilate it, but only awe and contemplate it. Trickster is an irrational manifestation of revivifying natural energy that rises from the unconscious as a compensation for hardened existing structure and order. The phenomenon may be destructive and immoral from the standpoint of the existing collective mind, but it should be seen as a function of the collective unconscious, a more fundamental psychic function that cannot be morally defined. The servant, a figure of the trickster archetype, is a being that brings transformation and has the duality and contradiction of destructiveness and creativity. The endings of this folktale's analogies are diverse, reflecting the diversified response of the audience's mind due to the ambivalence of the trickster, and also suggesting various responses toward the problem of the trickster from the unconscious. It also shows that the trickster is a problem of inconclusive and controversial contradictions that cannot be controlled with a conscious rational attitude, and that we can only seriously contemplate the trickster archetype within us.
Korean Peninsula, located on the southeastern part of Eurasian plate, belongs to the intraplate region. The characteristics of intraplate earthquake show the low and rare seismicity and the sparse and irregular distribution of epicenters comparing to interplate earthquake. To evaluate the exact seismic activity in intraplate region, long-term seismic data including historical earthquake data should be archived. Fortunately the long-term historical earthquake records about 2,000 years are available in Korea Peninsula. By the analysis of this historical and instrumental earthquake data, seismic activity was very high in 16-18 centuries and is more active at the Yellow sea area than East sea area. Comparing to the high seismic activity of the north-eastern China in 16-18 centuries, it is inferred that seismic activity in two regions shows close relationship. Also general trend of epicenter distribution shows the SE-NW direction. In Korea Peninsula, the first seismic station was installed at Incheon in 1905 and 5 additional seismic stations were installed till 1943. There was no seismic station from 1945 to 1962, but a World Wide Standardized Seismograph was installed at Seoul in 1963. In 1990, Korean Meteorological Adminstration(KMA) had established centralized modem seismic network in real-time, consisted of 12 stations. After that time, many institutes tried to expand their own seismic networks in Korea Peninsula. Now KMA operates 35 velocity-type seismic stations and 75 accelerometers and Korea Institute of Geoscience and Mineral Resources operates 32 and 16 stations, respectively. Korea Institute of Nuclear Safety and Korea Electric Power Research Institute operate 4 and 13 stations, consisted of velocity-type and accelerometer. In and around the Korean Peninsula, 27 intraplate earthquake mechanisms since 1936 were analyzed to understand the regional stress orientation and tectonics. These earthquakes are largest ones in this century and may represent the characteristics of earthquake in this region. Focal mechanism of these earthquakes show predominant strike-slip faulting with small amount of thrust components. The average P-axis is almost horizontal ENE-WSW. In north-eastern China, strike-slip faulting is dominant and nearly horizontal average P-axis in ENE-WSW is very similar with the Korean Peninsula. On the other hand, in the eastern part of East Sea, thrust faulting is dominant and average P-axis is horizontal with ESE-WNW. This indicate that not only the subducting Pacific Plate in east but also the indenting Indian Plate controls earthquake mechanism in the far east of the Eurasian Plate. Crustal velocity model is very important to determine the hypocenters of the local earthquakes. But the crust model in and around Korean Peninsula is not clear till now, because the sufficient seismic data could not accumulated. To solve this problem, reflection and refraction seismic survey and seismic wave analysis method were simultaneously applied to two long cross-section traversing the southern Korean Peninsula since 2002. This survey should be continuously conducted.
당(當) 광산(鑛山)은 1936년(年) 금(金), 은(銀) 광종(鑛種)으로 출원(出願)하였다가 1940년(年) 망간을 추가(追加)하여 망간 광산(鑛山)으로 1975년(年)까지 Mn(30~35%) 110,000여(餘)톤을 생산(生産), 국내생산량(國內生産量)의 70%를 점(占)하였고 1976년(年) Mn광상(鑛床) 하부(下部)에 연(鉛), 아연(亞鉛) 유화광(硫化鑛)을 발견(發見), 현재(現在)까지 Pb十Zn=10% 이상(以上) 원광석(原鑛石) 500,000여(餘)톤을 처리(處理), 연정광(鉛精鑛)(Pb : 62%) 37,000여(餘)톤, 아연정광(亞鉛精鑛)(Zn : 46.5%) 37,000여(餘)톤, 유비광정광(硫砒鑛精鑛)(As : 30%) 5,000여(餘)톤을 생산(生産)하였다. 현재(現在) 일처리(日處理) 220톤 선광장(選鑛場)을 일처리(日處理) 400톤 규모(規模)로 증설계획중(增設計劃中)이다. 당(當) 광산(鑛山)에서 현재(現在)까지 시행(施行)한 갱외시추(坑外試錐)는 75개공(個孔) 18,500여(餘)m, 갱내시추(坑內試錐) 750개공(個孔) 40,000여(餘)m 갱도(坑道) 총연장(總延長) 13,000m에 달(達)하며 지표(地表)(623ML)로 부터 수직(垂直) 300m 하부(下部)까지 갱도(坑道)가 개착(開鑿)되어 있다. 당(當) 광산(鑛山)의 지질(地質)은 여러 조사서(調査書)에 의(依)하여 견해(見解) 차이(差異)를 보여주고 있으나 대체(大體)로 다음과 같은 쪽으로 인정되고 있다. 즉(卽) 본지역(本地域) 루층군(累層群)의 층순(層順)을 하위(下位)로 부터 상위(上位)로 향(向)하여 원남층(遠南層)
Go bears significant meanings in terms of cultural and entertaining functions in Asia Eastern such as China and Japan. Beyond the mere entertaining level, it produces philosophical and mythic discourse as well. As a part of effort to seek an identity of Korean traditional garden culture, this study traced back to find meanings of rock-go-board and taste for the arts which ancestors pursued in playing Go game, through analysis and interpretation of correlation among origin of place name, nearby scenery, carved letters and vicinal handed-down place name. At the same time, their position, shape and location types were interpreted through comprehensive research and analysis of stone-go-boards including rock-go-board. Particularly, it focused on the rock names related to Sundoism(仙道) Ideal world, fixed due to a connection between traces of Sundoism and places in a folk etymology. Series of this work is to highlight features of the immortal sceneries, one of traditional landscaping ideals, by understanding place identity and scenic features of where the rock-go-boards are carved. These works are expected to become foundation for promotion and preservation of the traditional landscaping remains. The contents of this study could be summarized as follows; First, round stone and square board for round sky and angled land, black and white color for harmony of yin and yang and 361paths for rotating sky are symbols projecting order of universe. Sayings of Gyuljungjirak(橘中之樂), Sangsansaho(商山四皓), Nangagosa(爛柯故事) formed based on the idea of eternity stand for union of sky and sun. It indicates Go game which matches life and nature spatiotemporally and elegant taste for arts pursuing beauty and leisure. Second, the stone-go-boards found through this research, are 18 in total. 3 of those(16.1%), Gangjin Weolnamsaji, Yangsan Sohanjeong and Banryongdae ones were classified into movable Seokguk and 15(83.9%) including Banghakdong were turned out to be non-movable rock-go-boards carved on natural rocks. Third, upon the result of materializing location types of rock-go-boards, 15 are mountain stream type(83.9%) and 3 are rock peak type(16.1%). Among those, the one at Sobaeksam Sinseonbong is located at the highest place(1,389m). Considering the fact that all of 15 rock-go-boards were found at mountainous areas lower than 500m, it is recognizable that where the Go-boards are the parts of the living space, not far from secular world. Fourth, there are 7 Sunjang(巡將) Go with 17 Hwajeoms(花點), which is a traditional Go board type, but their existences, numbers and shapes of Hwajeom appear variously. Based on the fact, it is recognizable that culture of making go-board had been handed down for an extended period of time. Among the studied rock-goboards, the biggest one was Muju Sasunam[
Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.