• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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• no.32
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• pp.13-54
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• 2017

The Ise Grand Shrine(伊勢神宮) dedicated to the sun goddess Amaterasu (天照大神), located in the city of Ise(伊勢市), Mie Prefecture of Japan, is a center of Japanese Shinto Shrines and composed of a large number of Shinto shrines centered on two main shrines, Naiku(內宮=皇大神宮) and Geku(外宮= 豊受大神宮). Historically it has kept very close relationship with Emperor, because its enshrined deity Amaterasu is generally said to be the ancestor of Imperial Family. The food and alcohol offering to the gods in Japanese Shinto rites are called Shinsen(神饌, ambrosia). Main subjects of this essay dealing with Shinsen are the various matsuri (rites) of Ise Grand Shrine and Emperor, such as Higoto-asayu-omike-sai(日別朝夕大御饌祭, offering repasts to the gods in the moring and evening everyday), Kan-name-sai(神嘗祭, offering of the year's new rice harvest), Shikinen-sengu-sai(式年遷宮祭, year of the ceremony), Nii-name-sai(新嘗祭, Ceremonial offering by the Emperor of newly-harvested rice to the gods), and Daijo-sai(大嘗祭, first ceremonial offering of rice by newly-enthroned Emperor). Then, the purpose of this essay is to examine not only the social, religious, and political but also cultural meaning of Shinsen especially in relation to Korea, basically introducing some types and characteristics of Shinsen with its mythological background and historical development. In so doing, I will show the concrete list of items and processes of Shinsen in those rites. For example, the social meaning of Shinsen might be examined in association with agricultural features, ancient dietary life, Japanese food, and its contemporary context etc. Besides, its religious meaning can be mentioned especially from the perspective of divine nature, life and rebirth etc. On the other hand, the politics was in ancient Japan originally called Matsurigoto which means the ancestral rites for gods. This suggests the political meaning of Shinsen that the politics in Japan has originated from Shinsen.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.30-51
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• 2011

During the process of modernization, many rural villages in Korea have experienced degeneration and breakdown, losing sustainability. However, Oeam village in Asan City, South Chungcheong Province (State-designated cultural heritage, Important Folk Material No. 236) has established itself as a unique folk village, which evolves with sustainability, pursuing the revival of Neo-traditionalism. Oeam village is a tribal village of the Yis from the Yean region and has maintained environmental, economic, and social sustainability and soundness for over five centuries. Thus, the village has sustained itself well enough to be a cultural asset with 'Outstanding Universal Value', in terms of its value as world cultural heritage. The village maintains its own identity, filled with a variety of traditional and scenic cultural assets that symbolize a gentry village. Those assets include Confucian sceneries (head family houses, ancestral shrines, tombs, gravestones, commemorative monuments, and pavilions), various assets of folk religion (totem poles, protective trees at the entrance of a village, shrines for mountain spirits, village forests), tangible and intangible cultural assets related to daily lives (vigorous family activities, rigorous ancestral rituals, family rituals, collective agriculture and protection of ecosystem), which have all been well preserved and inherited. In particular, this village is an example of a well-being community with a well-preserved folksy atmosphere, which is based on environmentally sound settlements (nature + economy + environment + community) in a village established according to geomancy, East Asia's unique principle of environmental design. In addition, the village has kept the sustainability and authenticity for more than 500 years, combining restraint towards the environment and the view of the environment which respects the natural order and cultural values (capacity + healthy + sustainability). Therefore, the Oeam folk village can be a representative example of a folksy and scenic Korean community which falls into the category of IV (to exemplify an outstanding type of building, architectural or technological ensemble, or landscape which illustrates significant stages in human history) and V (to exemplify an outstanding traditional human settlement, land-use, or sea-use which is representative of cultures, or human interaction with the environment especially when it has become vulnerable under the impact of irreversible change) of Unesco's World Cultural Heritage.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.2
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• pp.60-81
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• 2010

Jeju Island, in Korea, shows many characteristics that are differentiated from the rest of Korea. Its culture is rooted in mythology which advocates a egalitarian, rather than hierarchical, social structure, the place of women in the home is relatively high, and the formation of buildings, the separation of cooking and heating facilities, and the living format of residential homes is dissimilar. These disparities in culture indicate that Jeju Island's heritage was not formed only from influences from the North, but also from other places as well. To fill in the blanks, residential homes in Jeju Island were compared with those scattered throughout the East China Sea, which connect the southern coastline of the Korean peninsula and Jeju Island. The regions encompassed by the East China Sea, sharing the Kuroshio current and a seasonal wind, can be considered as one cultural region integrating cultural aspects from the continental North and the oceanbound South. The unique characteristics of southern culture as seen in southern residences was examined through an investigation of the sacred places in which gods were considered to dwell. First, the myths of these areas usually concerned with the ocean, and a sterile environment made sustenance impossible without a dual livelihood, usually taking on the forms of half-farming and half-fishing, or half-farming, half-gardening. Although family compositions were strongly matricentric or collateral thanks to southern influence, a patriarchical system like those found in the North were present in the upper classes and in the cities. Therefore, residential spaces were not divided based on age or gender, as in hierarchical societies, but according to family and function. Second, these areas had local belief systems based on animism and ancestor worship, and household deities were closely related to women, agriculture and fire. The deities of the kitchen, the granary and the toilet were mostly female, and the role of priest was often filled by a woman. After Buddhism and Confucianism were introduced from mainland Korea, China and Japan, the sacred areas of the household took on a dual form, integrating the female-focused local rites with male-centered Buddhist and Confucian rites. Third, in accordance with worship of a kitchen deity, a granary deity, and a toilet deity led to these areas of the home being separated into disparate buildings. Eventually, these areas became absorbed into the home as architectural technology was further developed and lifestyles were changed. There was also integration of northern and southern cultures, with rites concerning granary and toilet deities coming from China, and the personality of the kitchen deity being related to the southern sea. In addition, the use of stone in separate kitchens, granaries, and toilets is a distinguishing characteristic of the East China Sea. This research is a part of the results gained from a project funded by the Korea Research Foundation in 2006.

• The Journal of the Petrological Society of Korea
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.195-215
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• 2019

Geopark is a new system for development of the local economy through conservation, education, and tourism that is an area of scientific importance for the earth sciences and that has outstanding scenic values. The Hwaseong Geopark, the candidate for Korean National Geopark is composed of 10 geosites: Gojeongri dinosaur egg fossils, Ueumdo, Eoseom, Ddakseom, Goryeom, Jebudo, Baengmiri Coast, Gungpyeonhang, Ippado and Gukwado geosites. In this study, geosites, geoheritages, and geotrails of the Hwaseong Geopark were described in detail, and the value and significane as a geopark were also discussed. The geology of the Hwaseong Geopark area belonging to the Gyeonggi Massif consists of the Precambrian metamorphic and meta-sedimentary rocks, Paleozoic sedimentary and metamorphic rocks, Mesozoic igneous and sedimentary rocks, and Quaternary deposits, indicating high geodiversity. The Gojeongri Dinosaur Egg Fossils geosite, designated as a natural monument, has a geotrail including dinosaur egg nest fossils, burrows, tafoni, fault and drag fold, cross-bedding. Furthermore, a variety of infrastructures such as eco-trail deck, visitor center are well-established in the geosite. In the Ueumdo geosite, there are various metamorphic rocks (gneiss, schist, and phyllite) and geological structures (fold, fault, joint, dike, and vein), thus it has a high educational value. The Eoseom geosite has high academic value because of the orbicular texture found in metamorphic rocks. Also, various volcanic and sedimentary rocks belonging to the Cretaceous Tando Basin can be observed in the Ddakseom and Goryeom geosites. In the Jebudo, Baengmiri Coast, and Gungpyeonghang geosites, a variety of coastal landforms (tidal flat, seastacks, sand and gravel beach, and coastal dunes), metamorphic rocks and geological structures, such as clastic dikes and quartz veins can be observed, and they also provide various programs including mudflat experience to visitors. Ippado and Gukwado geosites have typical large-scale fold structures, and unique coastal erosional features and various Paleozoic schists can be observed. The Hwaseong Geopark consists of outstanding geosites with high geodiversity and academic values, and it also has geotrails that combine geology, geomorphology, landscape and ecology with infrastructures and various education and experience programs. Therefore, the Hwaseong Geopark is expected to serve as a great National Geopark representing the western Gyeonggi Province, Korea.

• Journal of the Society of Cosmetic Scientists of Korea
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.69-75
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• 2019

Preservatives of cosmetics is managed by positive list in Korea. Positive list requires a proper quantitative analysis method, but the analysis method is still insufficient. In this study, gas chromatography with flame ionization detector was used to simultaneously analyze 14 preservatives in cosmetics. As a result of method validation, the specificity was confirmed by the calibration curves of 14 preservatives showing good linearity correlation coefficient of above 0.9997 except dehydroacetic acid (0.9891). The limits of detection (LOD) and quantification (LOQ) of 14 preservatives were 0.0001 mg/mL ~ 0.0039 mg/mL and 0.0003 mg/mL ~ 0.0118 mg/mL, respectively, but they were 0.0204 mg/mL, 0.0617 mg/mL for dehydroacetic acid, respectively. The precision (Repeatability) of the values was less than 1.0%, but 7.1% for dehydroacetic acid. The Accuracy (% recovery) of 14 preservatives in cosmetics showed 96.9% ~ 109.2%. Finally, this method was applied to 50 cosmetics available in market. Results showed that the commonly used preservatives were chlorophene, phenoxyethanol, benzyl alcohol and parabens. However, the amount of the detected preservatives was within maximum allowed limits established by KFDA.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.3
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• pp.242-261
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• 2021

Sangjeong was a sculptor-monk who was active in the mid-to-late 18th Century, and the current study established the overall chronology of Sangjeong's Buddhist statues and their styles based on the six sculptures of Sangjeong already known and the Wooden Seated Buddha of 1767 in Songgyesa Temple, Geochang, which was found to be his last work. All of the Buddhist statues of Sangjeong have commonalities in terms of the appearance of the ears, wrinkles on clothing on the upper and lower body, position of hands, and expression of the lower body. The expression of the lower body, in particular, is classified into three types: Type A, where the clothing drapes through the lotus leaves on the bottom; Type B, with an 'S-shaped' drape over the lower body but no lotus leaves or pedestal; and Type C, with the Buddha and pedestal as a single unit, and the clothing draping through the lotus leaves on the pedestal. It appears that Sangjeong faithfully succeeded the style of Taewon, who was his only instructor for sculpture. This is verified based on the records of his participation in the creation of the Wooden Seated Sakyamuni Buddha Triad and Statue of Arhat in Bongeunsa Temple, Seoul, as the third sculptor-monk out of twelve sculptor-monks, and the reflection of the S-shaped drape on the lower body found on the statue of Buddha in Bongeunsa Temple on all of the statues created by Sangjeong. Not only that, but it was assumed that the expression of the pedestal and hair was also inherited by Sangjeong from Taewon and Jinyeol, who was a sculptor-monk from the early 18th Century. The work of Sangjeong and Taewon showed differences in the volume and thickness of statues, strength of unevenness on the wrinkles of clothing, drapes on the right side of chest, and details of the ears. The current study identified the original styles of each individual sculptor and attempted to categorize the fourteen pieces of ten Buddhist statues reflecting the styles of Sangjeong into Sangjeong-style or Taewon-style.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.48 no.6
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• pp.1-15
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to propose a direction for designing and managing a smart park for realizing a smart green city and to present measures in the landscape field to foster related industries. The research process is as follows. First, the concept of a smart park was operationally defined through a literature review, and three principles to be considered in the process of creation and management were established. Second, in terms of the three principles, problems and implications for improvement were derived through an analysis of established cases of smart parks in new and pre-existing cities. Third, a pool of designs and management standards for each spatial component of a smart park was prepared through literature and case studies, and then further refined through brainstorming with experts in related fields. Fourth, measures were suggested to the government, local governments, and the landscape field to promote smart park creation and management. The main findings are as follows. First, the concept of a smart park is defined as "a park that contributes to securing the social, economic, and environmental sustainability of cities and local communities by supporting citizens' safe and pleasant use of parks and improving the management and operational efficiency by utilizing the digital, environment, and material technologies." Second, the three principles of smart parks are to improve the intrinsic value of parks, to improve the innovative functions of parks to solve urban problems, and to make the design, construction, and management process smart. Third, improvement implications were derived through the analysis of cases of smart parks creation in new and pre-existing cities. Fourth, the directions for smart park design and management were suggested in five aspects: green area, hydroponic facility area, road and plaza area, landscape facilities area, and park design method. Fifth, as for policy implications for revitalizing the construction and management of smart parks, the development of smart park policy business models by city growth stage, and park type, the promotion of pilot projects, the promotion of smart park projects in connection with the Korean New Deal policy, and smart park policies led by landscape experts were presented.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.71
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• pp.9-39
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• 2018

We considered the historical significance and the individual aspects of heroes that are reflected in the historical differences between men and women expressed in the old tales. To achieve this purpose, the paper selects , , , , and as text. Their characters were then catalogued into cultural heroes-Choi ChI-won, popular heroes-Jeon Woo-chI, family heroes-Chung So-jeo, pro-Japanese enlightenment hero-Ilneyomhong and Lee Hyung-kyung. He also tried to achieve his goal by describing the historical significance of the hero's type. China and Joseon were at odds with each other, so their relationship was uncomfortable. It is at the forefront of that concerns this issue. As he was a great writer of Silla, he was able to play a leading role with Chinese writers. We needed Choi ChI-won, a cultural hero, to express our pride that Joseon has a superior culture than China. Joseon was a Confucian society with a strong anti-semitic system. Accordingly, the people were persecuted by the aristocrats for all their centers, and this required a folk hero. He is the leader of the war. Jeon Woo-chI is a real folk hero who solves the people's grudge and wishes through doctoring. As women go back to the late Joseon Dynasty, they change the way women treat men after experiencing war. For this reason, there are novels about female heroes such as <江都夢遊錄>, <朴氏傳>, and <李學士傳>. I think the writer given hope to women who are upset by incompetent men even in their work at the time. Jeongsojeo is a leading hero in the family who is more active than the female lead who is faithful to old wives, but is responsible for helping her husband. Joseon goes through the 淸日 and 露日 wars and is at the center of Japan's prosperity. Japan is the Japan-Korea Treaty of 1905 after the Japanese Resident-General of Korea after heavy emphasis put on with the politics. At this time, he published pro-Japanese newspapers and published pro-Japanese novels to highlight pro-Japanese collaborators. It is Ilneyomhong and Yeoyongwoong.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.57
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• pp.383-406
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• 2014

Mi-Am Yu Hee Choon (1513~1577) considered poetry as a part of his life. Therefore, this writer specifically focused on Mi-Am Yu Hee Choon's Chinese poems. The following is the conclusion from the materials discussed in this article. Mi-Am tried to understand literature in ethical perspective. The number of Chinese poems composed by Mi-Am is estimated to be about 300, and the number of pieces that this writer could find was 285. Also, Mi-Am took poem composition seriously, and put emphasis on content more than structure. Among Go Shi, Yul Shi, and Jul gu, Jul gu (especially Chil Un) is the largest in quantity, and it is presumed that he preferred Chil(seven) Un over Oh(five) Un. With regards to Go Shi, there are relatively many Jeon-Go. With regards to Jul gu, which was a poetry composing structure that Mi-Am could make the best use of, they were mostly about the daily lives. And with regards to Yul Shi, there were many poems that expressed his feelings about the real world and self-examination. Mi-Am's poems can be categorized into ones that he wrote when he was on exile, and ones that he wrote while serving for the king again after he got released from exile. During the exile period, self-discipline through learning, friendship, and love for the people were the main themes of his poems, and after being released and started serving for the king again, his poems were mostly about loyalty to the king, interaction with acquaintances, emotions, ancestor worship, self-examination, and conjugal affection through literary communion. Among Mi-Am's poems, there are many that have Eum Song Cha Un included in their titles, and the mainstream of his poems were related to daily lives or experiences. Also, most of them naturally and calmly expressed the fact itself without exaggerating. Mi-Am considered poetry as a part of his life and the fact that he practiced literary communion with his wife by writing poems about the ordinary things happened between him and his wife, Song Duk Bong, is worthy of notice.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.65-89
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• 2018

This paper was triggered by the idea that the culture of ancestral rites and the patrilocality, which entail the excessive sacrifice on the part of the wife, that eventually led to the coinage of the expression, "housewives' holiday stress," is perhaps not the age-old traditions it claim to be, but rather a recent phenomenon. The purpose of this paper is to reveal that the loss of housewife's authority is the product of "becoming yangban (aristocrats)," which was a culture that was in fashion in the late Joseon dynasty. Until the late Joseon dynasty, women, in particular, the married women maintained an autonomous life which allowed them the authority to an extent, based on their properties that they brought from and the ties that they maintained with their original family and. However, such authority of the housewives disappeared since the invasion of Joseon by Japan and Qing in the year of Imjin (1592) and Byeongja (1636), respectively, as the daughters were excluded from receiving inheritance in a desperate attempt to maintain the impoverished family after the wars. However, patriarchy based on neo-Confucian custom and convention of patriarchal clan system could not spread to the entire population immediately after the wars, as it was impossible to include everyone in the aristocratic class (yangban). It was due to the increase of aristocrats within the continued social changes that occurred after the wars that the neo-Confucian patriarchy became the norm and ethical standard in Joseon society. Also, the theory of propriety in neo-Confucianism that everyone from the emperor down to commoners must abide by the patriarchal clan system was realized through Zhuzi jiali, i.e. Master Zhu's Family Rituals, which institutionalized the system of family rites by setting up ancestral shrines in every household. For the aristocrats who lost their financial footing, the only basis they could rely on to prove their aristocratic lineage is the strict compliance with the rituals. Also, for the once commoners who turned into aristocrats one day had to emphasize the formal propriety in order to distinguish themselves from the commoners. Hence, the culture of "becoming yangban" in the nineteenth-century Joseon was what solidified the patriarchal rituals, decorum, and clan system. As a result, women have become subordinated to the husband's families, which forced the women, i.e. the housewives to serve them and sacrifice themselves for them. At times, women self-imposed such restraints on them as they led themselves into believing that it was necessary to maintain the family for their sons.