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A Study on the Change of Road in the Changdeokgung Palace Rear Garden between Modern and Contemporary Period (근현대기 창덕궁 후원의 동선 변화에 관한 연구)

  • HA, Taeil;KIM, Choongsik
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.54 no.2
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    • pp.120-135
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    • 2021
  • Changdeokgung Rear Garden is an important place to show the essence of the garden culture of the Joseon Dynasty. In the garden landscape experience, the restoration of the road completes the system of connecting the main spaces. Therefore, the restoration of the road requires accurate understanding of its creation, extinction, and maintenance. The purpose of this study was to detail the changes in the path that occurred in the Changdeokgung Palace Rear Garden from the late Joseon Dynasty to the modern and contemporary period by analyzing literature and drawing materials. For a time-series analysis, "Donggwoldo" and "Donggwoldohyeong" produced in the Joseon Dynasty, along with "Changdeokgung Plan Drawing" produced in modern and contemporary times, and aerial photographs were used. Drawings and photographs of different coordinate systems were transformed into one coordinate system in the geographic information system ArcGIS to compare changes in the movements of different periods. The results of the study are as follows. First, a total of 37 sections have been used since Japanese colonial era, of which 13 have been maintained, 14 have disappeared, and 10 have been newly established. Among the extinction sections, the road north of Neungheojeong Pavilion is considered to be an urgent place to connect the space to the garden and restore it to enjoy the scenery. In the new section, it seems necessary to establish a new alternative road or shorten the section for the connecting section between Daebodan and Okryucheon. Second, it was revealed that the biggest and most frequent changes to the road system in the garden were Japanese colonial era and renovations in the 1970s. It is worth noting the changes in the road since the 1970s, rather than Japanese colonial era, where it was difficult to manage the gardens independently. The access road to Okryucheon remained in its original shape until the 1990s, but it was renovated to its current shape due to misperception of the original shape. A project is needed to find out the cause of the change in this period and restore the damaged original shape. The biggest achievement of this study is that it revealed the changes in the garden path of Changdeokgung Palace in modern and contemporary times. The biggest achievement of this study is that it revealed the changes in the road of Changdeokgung Palace Rear Gardens in modern and contemporary times. However, there is a limitation that it has not been able to clearly present the location and shape that should be restored because it has not found data on landscaping plans or maintenance. In order to restore the road using the data revealed in this study, it seems necessary to consider realistic problems such as current space utilization, viewing system, disaster prevention and maintenance.

Latest Supreme Court Decision on Proof of Causation in Medical Malpractice Cases - Focusing on Supreme Court decision 2022da219427 on August 31, 2023 and the Supreme Court decision 2021Do1833 on August 31, 2023 - (의료과오 사건에서 인과관계 증명에 관한 최신 대법원 판결 - 대법원 2023. 8. 31. 선고 2022다219427 판결 및 대법원 2023. 8. 31. 선고 2021도1833 판결을 중심으로 -)

  • HYEONHO MOON
    • The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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    • v.24 no.4
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    • pp.3-36
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    • 2023
  • The main issue in medical malpractice civil litigation is medical negligence and the causal relationship between medical negligence and damages. Regarding the presumption of causality in cases where medical negligence is proven, there is a previous Supreme Court decision 93da52402 on February 10, 1995, but it is difficult to find a case that satisfies the textual requirements of the above decision, and yet, in practice, the above decision is cited. In many cases, causal relationships were assumed, and criticism was consistently raised that it was inconsistent with the text of the above judgment. In its ruling, the Supreme Court reorganized and presented a new legal principle regarding the presumption of causality when medical negligence is proven in a civil lawsuit. According to this, If the patient proves ① the existence of an act that is assessed as a medical negligence, that is, a violation of the duty of care required of an ordinary medical professional at the level of medical care practiced in the field of clinical medicine at the time of medical practice, and ② that the negligence is likely to cause damages to the patient, the burden of proving the causal relationship is alleviated by presuming a causal relationship between medical negligence and damage. Here, the probability of occurrence of damage does not need to be proven beyond doubt from a natural scientific or medical perspective, but if recognizing the causal relationship between the negligence and the damage does not comply with medical principles or if there is a vague possibility that the negligence will cause damage, causality cannot be considered proven. Meanwhile, even if a causal relationship between medical negligence and damage is presumed, the party that performed the medical treatment can overturn the presumption by proving that the patient's damage was not caused by medical negligence. Meanwhile, unlike civil cases, the standard is 'proof beyond reasonable doubt' in criminal cases, and the legal principle of presuming causality does not apply. Accordingly, in a criminal case of professional negligence manslaughter that was decided on the same day regarding the same medical accident, the case was overturned and remanded for not guilty due to lack of proof of a causal relationship between medical negligence and death. The above criminal ruling is a ruling that states that even if 'professional negligence' is recognized in a criminal case related to medical malpractice, the person should not be judged guilty if there is a lack of clear proof of 'causal relationship'.

A Review Examining the Dating, Analysis of the Painting Style, Identification of the Painter, and Investigation of the Documentary Records of Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple (용주사(龍珠寺) <삼세불회도(三世佛會圖)> 연구의 연대 추정과 양식 분석, 작가 비정, 문헌 해석의 검토)

  • Kang, Kwanshik
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.97
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    • pp.14-54
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    • 2020
  • The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.

Exploration and Development in the Janggun Pb-Zn Mine (장군광산(將軍鑛山)의 탐사(探査)와 개발현황(開發現況))

  • Kho, Suck Jin
    • Economic and Environmental Geology
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    • v.20 no.4
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    • pp.289-303
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    • 1987
  • 당(當) 광산(鑛山)은 1936년(年) 금(金), 은(銀) 광종(鑛種)으로 출원(出願)하였다가 1940년(年) 망간을 추가(追加)하여 망간 광산(鑛山)으로 1975년(年)까지 Mn(30~35%) 110,000여(餘)톤을 생산(生産), 국내생산량(國內生産量)의 70%를 점(占)하였고 1976년(年) Mn광상(鑛床) 하부(下部)에 연(鉛), 아연(亞鉛) 유화광(硫化鑛)을 발견(發見), 현재(現在)까지 Pb十Zn=10% 이상(以上) 원광석(原鑛石) 500,000여(餘)톤을 처리(處理), 연정광(鉛精鑛)(Pb : 62%) 37,000여(餘)톤, 아연정광(亞鉛精鑛)(Zn : 46.5%) 37,000여(餘)톤, 유비광정광(硫砒鑛精鑛)(As : 30%) 5,000여(餘)톤을 생산(生産)하였다. 현재(現在) 일처리(日處理) 220톤 선광장(選鑛場)을 일처리(日處理) 400톤 규모(規模)로 증설계획중(增設計劃中)이다. 당(當) 광산(鑛山)에서 현재(現在)까지 시행(施行)한 갱외시추(坑外試錐)는 75개공(個孔) 18,500여(餘)m, 갱내시추(坑內試錐) 750개공(個孔) 40,000여(餘)m 갱도(坑道) 총연장(總延長) 13,000m에 달(達)하며 지표(地表)(623ML)로 부터 수직(垂直) 300m 하부(下部)까지 갱도(坑道)가 개착(開鑿)되어 있다. 당(當) 광산(鑛山)의 지질(地質)은 여러 조사서(調査書)에 의(依)하여 견해(見解) 차이(差異)를 보여주고 있으나 대체(大體)로 다음과 같은 쪽으로 인정되고 있다. 즉(卽) 본지역(本地域) 루층군(累層群)의 층순(層順)을 하위(下位)로 부터 상위(上位)로 향(向)하여 원남층(遠南層)${\rightarrow}$율리통(栗里統)${\rightarrow}$장산규암층(壯山珪岩層)${\rightarrow}$두음리층(斗音里層)${\rightarrow}$장군석회암층(將軍石灰岩層)${\rightarrow}$동수곡층(東水谷層)${\rightarrow}$재산층(才山層)의 순위(順位)로 보며 장산규암층(壯山珪岩層)과 두음리층(斗音里層)을 조선계(朝鮮系)의 양덕통(陽德統)으로, 장군석회암층(將軍石灰岩層)을 대석회암통(大石灰岩統)으로, 동수곡층(東水谷層)과 함탄층(含炭層)인 재산층(才山層)을 평안계(平安系) 지층(地層)으로 대비(對比)한다. 이들은 본지역(本地域) 북(北)쪽에서는 선(先)캠브리아기(紀)의 원남층(遠南層)과 율리통(栗里統)을 불정합(不整合)으로 덮고 남측(南側)에서는 재산층(才山層)과 원남층(遠南層)이 단층접촉(斷層接觸)하고 있다. 이들 지층(地層)의 주향(走向)은 $N60^{\circ}{\sim}80^{\circ}W$, $N60^{\circ}{\sim}80^{\circ}E$이며 경사(傾斜)는 대체(大體)로 $50^{\circ}{\sim}80^{\circ}N$이며 전체적(全體的)으로 역전(逆轉)된 층서(層序)를 보여주는 바 지질구조(地質構造)에 있어서 단사구조(單斜構造)인지 등사(等斜)습곡의 향사(向斜), 또는 등사(等斜)습곡이 배사구조(背斜構造)인지 아직 밝혀지지 않고 있다. 화성암체(火成岩體)는 본지역(本地域) 서측(西側)에 쥬라기(紀) 춘양화강암(春陽花崗岩)이 불규칙(不規則)한 실입(實入) 접촉면(接觸面)을 보여주며 시대미상(時代未詳)(백악기(白堊紀)?)의 거정화강암(巨晶花崗岩), 반화강암(半花崗岩)이 소암주상(小岩株狀)으로 몇 곳 실입(實入)하고 산성(酸性)~중성(中性)의 맥암(脈岩)과 염기성(鹽基性) 안산암질암(安山岩質岩)이 실입(實入)해 있다. 광상(鑛床)은 장군석회암층(將軍石灰岩層)에 배태(胚胎)되어 있는 열수교대(熱水交代) 연(鉛), 아연(亞鉛), 은등(銀等)의 혼합(混合) 유화광상(硫化鑛床)으로 다량(多量)의 Mn분(分)을 수반(隨伴)하며 지표부(地表部)에 Mn광상(鑛床)을 형성(形成)하고 있다. 광상(鑛床)의 형태(形態)는 괴상(塊狀), 각력(角礫)pipe상(狀), 맥상(脈狀)으로 나타난다. 광상(鑛床)의 성인(成因)과 생성시기(生成時期)에 대(對)하여 많은 논란(論難)이 있다. 즉(卽) 열수교대(熱水交代)냐, 접촉교대(接觸交代)냐, 동시퇴적기원(同時堆積起源)이냐, 또는 생성시기(生成時期)가 쥬라기(紀)인지 백악기(白堊紀)인지에 대해 이론(異論)이 있다. 본지역(本地域) 광상(鑛床)은 남본(南本), 100우(右), 북(北), 유비철(硫砒鐵), 동(東), 서(西), 재남(才南), 재동(才東), 110호(號) 등(等)이 지표(地表) Mn로두광화대(露頭鑛化帶)와 관련(關聯) 명명(命名)된 바 전(前)4자(者)는 하부(下部)에서 유화광상(硫化鑛床)이 확인(確認)되었으나 나머지 후자(後者)에서는 아직 하부(下部)에 유화광상(硫化鑛床)이 확인(確認)되지 않고 있으며 남본광상(南本鑛床)으로 부터 남동(南東) 300여(餘)m 지점에 장군석회암층(將軍石灰岩層)과 동수곡층(東水谷層) 경계부(境界部)에 Fe 55~60% 자철광상(磁鐵鑛床)이 확인(確認)된 바 신례미(新禮美) 자철광상(磁鐵鑛床)과 유사성(類似性)이 있는 것 같아 흥미(興味)롭다. 당(當) 광산(鑛山)의 현재(現在)까지의 탐광(探鑛)은 남본광상(南本鑛床) 지표로두(地表露頭)(Mn) 하부(下部)에서 확인(確認)된 연(鉛), 아연(亞鉛), 은(銀) 유화광체(硫化鑛體) 하부(下部)와 전탐(電探)에 의(依)해 확인(確認)된 북광체(北鑛體), 갱도접근중(坑道接近中)에 확인(確認)된 100우광체(右鑛體), 유비철광체(硫砒鐵鑛體) 등(等)의 하부(下部) 탐광(探鑛)을 주(主)로 하고 지표(地表) Mn로두(露頭) 하부(下部)에 대(對)한 시추탐광(試錐探鑛0을 병행(竝行)하고 있으며 시추(試錐)에 의(依)해서 지표(地表)로 부터 790m 하부(下部)(해발(海拔) 200ML)까지 광화대(鑛化帶)가 확인(確認)되었다. 향후(向後) 탐광방침(探鑛方針)을 확고(確固)히 수립(樹立)하기 위(爲)하여는 광상(鑛床)의 성인구명(成因究明)은 물론(勿論) 광상(鑛床)의 배태조건(胚胎條件)에 있어 지질구조규제(地質構造規制)와 화강암(花崗岩)의 실입상(實入狀)과의 관계(關係), 광액(鑛液)의 통로(通路)에 대(對)한 지질구조(地質構造), 모암(母岩)의 화학(化學) 물리적(物理的) 특성(特性)에 대(對)한 연구(硏究) 검토(檢討)가 었어야 하겠다.

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