• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.13 no.9
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• pp.21-28
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• 2015

This study shows what the political distrust of three nations was preserved among US, Japan, and South Korea in 2008. According to the World Value Survey research, the political distrust of three nations was reached over 70% when on the basis of national people's consciousness in 2008. Especially in the case of South Korea, the percentage of extreme distrust was the highest compared to the other countries. The reason why South Korea could not manage the nation people's political voice to the government and National Assembly. So consequently political complaining behavior channel should be erected more in the political mechanism. And Korean political parties could not manage the social development and national consolidation. Moreover, attacted the negative effects to society. Political distrust is the worst obstacle in democracy that it will be needed the national consensus to amend it.

• Proceedings of the CALSEC Conference
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• 2002.01a
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• pp.369-394
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• 2002

국가와 시민의 관계에서 볼 때, 기존의 정치·경제·행정체제 및 운용의 모습은 많은 문제점을 드러내고 있다. 정치적으로 간접(의회)민주주의 제도는 국민참여의 축소, 공공의제 및 영역의 축소, 사회적 불평등의 심화 및 정치불신을 초래하였으며, 경제적으로 시장경제의 실패는 정부개입과 그에 따른 정부의 실패를 야기하였다(정정목, 2000). 또한 행정 부분에서는 삼권분립의 견제와 균형보다는 행정권의 강화에 따른 이른바 행정국가의 등장과 이에 따른 국민의 저항과 입법 및 사법부의 위축 등을 경험하였다. (중략)

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.103-139
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• 2019

This study aims to verify how trust in government leads voters' electoral participation with paying attention to their political orientations. In particular, this study takes voters' partisan consideration into account to examine different direction of the effect of trust in government on electoral participation depending on their ideology and partisan preferences. Key findings show that governmental trust has a positive influence on electoral participation for voters who have conformable ideological orientations to the incumbent government and positive preferences toward the ruling party. In contrast, distrust in government is more likely to increase the possibility of electoral participation for those who have different ideology from the incumbent, negative attitude toward the ruling party, and partisan preferences of the opposition party. Previous studies on the relationship between governmental trust and electoral participation have been mixed as yet. For the sake of explaining this inconclusiveness, this study focuses on partisan foundation of voters' political decision making. It contributes to our understanding of the political properties of governmental trust and its implications for representative democracy.

• Defense and Technology
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• no.7 s.149
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• pp.20-29
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• 1991

주요한 화력 및 기동장비의 양적 통제에 양측이 합의하더라도 과거 40여년간 누적된 상호불신으로 인해 군사력감축은 장기간에 걸쳐 점진적으로 단계적으로 추진되지 않을수 없을 것이다. 그러나 더욱 중요한 사실은 남북한의 군비통제합의가 곧 정치적 화해와 진정한 협력을 의미하지 않는다는 점이다. 이와 같이 진정한 화해와 협력이 정착되지 않는한 양적인 군비통제하에서도 남북한간에는 정치 및 군사적 경쟁이 지속될 것이며, 첨단기술을 활용한 군사장비의 질적 개선경쟁이 심화될 것이다

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.103-129
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• 2004

This article examines the Korean adolescents and adults' social representation and trust of Korean society and people using indigenous psychological analysis. Respondents were asked to write in an open-ended questionnaire their perception of the following five aspects: Korean politics, economy, society, culture and people. They were then asked to report why they trust or distrust Korean society. A total of 1,064 respondents (218 middle school students, 200 university students, 218 fathers of the middle school students, 218 mothers of the middle school students, and 210 teachers) completed a questionnaire developed by the present researchers. The data were collected during April to June, 2003. The results indicate that 94.5% of Koreans view the existing political system and politicians as being corrupt, inept, factional, and lacking in integrity. A vast majority (84.9%) recognize the existence of systemic problems in the Korean economy. A total of 78.2% see problems in Korean society being dominated by selfishness, factionalism, conservatism, and social uncertainty. For Korean culture, a majority of respondents report being proud of its cultural tradition, accomplishment, and creativity. At the same time, 45.7% report loss of cultural identity and pride due to external influences. More than half of the respondents report negative aspects of Korean people (i.e., selfish, lack of morality, rushed, and overly focused on their social image), while nearly half of the respondents report positive aspects of Korean people as being compassionate, cooperative, good-natured and hard-working. As for reason for trusting Korean society, around a third report "because it is our country," followed by its future potential, and the good-nature and willingness of Korean people to work hard. The reasons for distrusting Korean society is the dishonesty politicians, corruption, institutional ineptness, and economic uncertainty. These results indicate a low level of collective efficacy in influencing and affecting change in Korean society.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.60
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• pp.28-51
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• 2012

This study explored the influence of media use on the audiences' intention to vote as well as their political cynicism in 2012 General elections. I offered three research questions: Research Question 1: What is the impact of media use on the political cynicism? Research Question 2: What are the impact of political intersest, political knowledge, media malaise, political efficacy on the political cynicism? Research Question 3: What is the impact of political cynicism on vote behavior? This study analysed survey data. Based on the results of hierarchial regression analysis and path analysis(AMOS), Internet news use was found to have a significant impact on the political cynicism. But the use of newspaper, TV news were not related to political cynicism. The political efficacy decreased political cynicism effectively, The findings from this study indicate that the relationship between media use and political cynicism is contingent on many factors and that cynicism has a negligible impact on citizen participation. This study also found that persons higher in efficacy were less cynical than low in efficacy. This suggest that cynicism is not always bad thing, that it may in fact be an indication of "an interested and critical citizenry". In conclusion this study showed that we need more in-depth analyses on the relationships among attention to media use, political cynicism and voting behavior to activate political participation.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.5-33
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• 2010

이 글은 대통령제 국가인 한국에서 대통령의 자의적인 인사권을 방지하기 위해 의회가 보유한 동의권한의 절차적 표현인 인사청문회의 정치적 의미, 기능, 문제점, 그리고 개선책에 대해서 논의해 보았다. 이 글은 먼저 세계 최초의 대통령제 국가인 미국에서 대통령의 인사권에 대한 상원의 동의권한이 어떠한 경로로 도입되었는지를 파악하고, 이와 관련하여 이러한 의회의 동의권한이나 인사청문회 제도가 대통령을 견제하는 효과가 있는지를 이론적인 수준에서 검토하였다. 이어서 이 글은 정운찬 국무총리 후보자의 인사청문회를 사례로 연구를 진행하였다. 그 결과 전체적으로 윤리적인 영역의 발언이 많고 질의응답이 특정한 이슈에 편중되는 경향이 있다는 점이 발견되었으며, 이는 부분적으로 기존의 연구결과와도 일치한다. 또한 단편적인 여론조사 결과와 기존의 연구를 토대로 인사청문회는 정부에 대한 국민의 불신을 조장할 가능성이 더 클 수 있다는 추론을 제시하였다. 마지막으로 이 글은 최적의 인물이 인사청문과정을 통해서 선발될 수 있는 방향으로 개선방안이 추진되어야 한다는 점을 강조하였다.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.7-30
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• 2017

The conspiracy theories of political events are occurring in every country and society. In Korean society, conspiracy theories about political events are constantly happening. Conspiracy refers to the phenomenon of a particular individual or group who oppose the official causes of social phenomena. Conspiracy is a resistance to the credibility of the state and the government. In Korean society, conspiracy occurs mainly in political events. The conspiracy theories of political events appear in the form of conservatism and progressivism, which seeks to replace political power and political power to stabilize political power. The conspiracy theory about Jang Jun-Ha's death occurred in the process of seeking justification for a person who is resisting the ruling forces. Also, the conspiracy theory of the Gwangju Democratization Movement and the Cheonan Warship Sinking may be a drag on the justification for the justification for the takeover of the new military government and the justification for the Disconnection of inter-Korean relations. In Korean politics, Conspiracy theory is a factor that confuses Korean society regardless of whether it is true or not.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.135-170
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• 2018

The recent success of populist parties and candidates in the US and European countries leads to a massive amount of empirical research on populism, a deviant form of representative democracy. Much ink has been spilled to define populism and to identify the causes of its rise and continued success in democratic political system. However, little is known about populist attitudes of individual voters. Using a large-scale online survey fielded in the context of the South Korean presidential election in 2017, this study examines (1) what determines populist attitudes of South Korean voters and (2) how populist attitudes are associated with evaluations of political parties, candidates, and political issues. Statistical analysis reveals that people high on populism are more likely to support an underdog left-wing political party and its presidential candidate, and are less likely to support policies implemented or proposed under the auspices of the Park Geun-hye administration. These findings do not necessarily suggest the inherent affinity between populism and left-wing ideology; rather, it implies populist attitudes happened to appear in 2017, in reactions to lack of confidence in the previous government.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.3-18
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• 2015

We explore the issues on online political participation study in Korea compared with international one. More specifically, we characterize Korea's study trends as focusing on "who" is participating while international studies center on what the new "forms" of online political participation are. In other words, domestic studies try to show that online media play a role as a factor promoting bottom-up model of civic participation. Moreover, this function of online media is stimulated by the rapid growing of civic participation during democratization and citizens' deep disapproval of political institutions since then. However, previous studies are more interested in the expansion of participants, in particular, ordinary people. Therefore, the themes on conceptualizing and categorizing the online political participation seem to have been treated lightly. In this perspective, we need to view online political participation in a more multidimensional manner. In addition, we should pay attention to "those who do not participate" as well as "those who participate" in politics. Because the current media environment more tends to provoke citizens' political indifference than ever before. If it comes to that, we will be likely to face the circumstances worrying the democratic divide beyond the digital divide.