• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.36-72
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• 2016

Comprehensive Cable TV Channels(CCCs) has been established as a political product around 5 years ago, and it's influence and position on the broadcasting field are keep increasing. CCC's stabilization is based on flooding the market with journalism. The repeating news and current affairs programs are appearing constantly in the afternoon which is CCC's primetime. The current affairs talk shows are a product of CCC's representative program type and it leads unique CCC style journalism. The guests of the current affairs talk show leading the program with critiques(comments) and discussions about political issues. The purpose of this study is to explore how these guests of the current affairs talk shows conceptually positioned as political mediating elites and same time to explore the television political landscape through the representative current affairs talk shows from TV chosun, Channel A, MBN, JTBC which are present by these political elites. This study wants to find out about that television political effects from CCCs which exemplified into certain directions by these political mediating elites saying their political biases and expresses their feelings drastically that causes high ratings and brings people's attention. The guests who called political mediating elites in this study are mostly considered to be extreme rightist, conservatives, conservative-centrist and they have close relationship with certain political party or political group. The political mediating elites gain the popularities and have great influence on the public from performing the television politics through CCCs' current affairs talk shows and use that to make political exchange connections with political groups. Therefore this study wants to point out that CCCs' current affairs talk shows are situated in political rally, exchange connection, so current affairs talk shows are existing only for political battle field.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.43
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• pp.7-50
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• 2016

In the capitalized Joseon Dynasty under the Japanese colonial rule, most Gisaengs (female entertainers) were waiting for men who would save them from financial distress, but others chose to seize the opportunity imposed by the modern times and capitalization to transform their lives. Socialist Jung Chil-sung was one of those who utilized such opportunity to transform themselves through political awakening. The political awakening of Chung Chil-sung was the result of two factors-the historical occasion of the March $1^{st}$ movement and her personal labor experience as Gisaeng. The March $1^{st}$ movement was not only a colossal political incident externally manifested in nationalism and but also an occasion which educed the microscopic anger of a woman named Chung Chil-sung. In the early capitalist society, women with jobs were forced to play not only vocational tasks but also to subject themselves to emotional roles of being obedient and generous. In other words, those early career women suffered feelings such as anger, shame and humiliation, when they were defenselessly exposed to gender hierarchy and gender power in the public sphere. As shown in the case of Chung Chil-sung, these emotions led to a certain political awakening. The political awakening through the labor experience and emotional problems was the fact that helped Chung Chil-sung have a concrete and realistic understanding about the issue of women's economic dependence unlike other female socialists. But, although socialism was relatively the most appropriate language to explain Chung Chil-sung's experience, what she experienced contained several elements that cannot be explained by the elite socialist language. Therefore, her life paradoxically proved the need of lower-class women's lives to be divided and registered as a new emotion and to be politically visualized.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.5-36
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• 2017

"The Candle Revolution" impeached the Park government and elected the Moon government. The candlelight protesters demonstrated public anger associated with accumulated corruption and deep-rooted irregularities. Complete political reform is required to perform deep fundamental reform. It aims to transform democracy in a way that is more inclusive. Inclusive democracy contributes to making welfare state stronger. Inclusive democracy is made possible by proportional representation that allows progressive parties more seats and leverages. Proportional representation systems are characterized by higher degrees of redistribution and larger welfare state. Constitutional reform has to be focused on introducing parliamentary government. "Imperialistic" presidential system in Korea has no mechanism of checks and balances which are key characteristics of presidential systems. It has failed to attend the poverty and social inequality arising from globalization and neoliberal change since 2000s. Parliamentary government is supposed to deliver social policy when parties are more disciplined than in presidential system where political parties remain weak.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.93-101
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• 2010

This paper aims to analyze success factors for the construction of Supdari(a traditional wooden bridge to connect small streams temporarily), which is a citizens' initiative project to revitalize local community in Jeonju-River, Jeonju City. Recently Supdari has been restored for the use of belongings in local festivals. But Jeonju-River Supdari was designed and built to unite local citizens and connect river-divided villages. This project shows how investing social capital like Supdari makes the community vitalize through citizen's active participation. As a citizen leading project, there were several critical factors for sucess. At first, there were some noticeable ways to encourage local citizen's participation in online and offline. In the online, the Supdari internet cafe introduced what is a Supdari, how to make it and where we build using various media of UCCs and photos. In the offline, the small scaled model of Supdari was made and exhibited in the entrance of the village and related several seminars were hosted to discuss how to construct Supdari with citizens, local assembly men and public officials together. The Second is the movement to restore traditional and cultural resources for the community recovery triggered the supports from local councils and many civic groups. Civic groups supported ecological and structural expertise to guarantee environment friendly and stable construction. And local councils mediated citizen's and administrative office's opinions. The third is flexible administrative management to help citizen's ideas to be realized. Officials extended setting period of Supdari on the condition with the civic-control safety management.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.223-252
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• 2011

If we remember that modern world history has built systems of meaning through the concepts "difference," "different," and "other-ness" and has constructed new identity based on opposing hierarchy, music anthropology which tried to build "difference" between the west and the non-west was thoroughly west -centered, in the sense that it has perceived the heterogeneous symbolic systems among nations, as well as the barrier between the two cultures. On the other hand, world music, which has emerged as the most attractive field in culture industry and concert-art-market by crossing over global capitals, markets, and barriers, can be considered the most post-modernist and glocal. However, it is interesting to note that world music, which has been described as post-modern and glocal, has "difference" and "different" in its basis, just like the precepts for modern music anthropology (Meintjes 1990; Guilbault 1993; Taylor 1997; Frith 2000; Feld 1988). Furthermore, one can understand that the "different" and "difference," generally termed as being "non-western," are fundamentally based on ethnic or national imagination. In this sense it is interesting and important to examine such ethnic imagination in the "non-western ethnic musics" in music anthropology and in world music. Notwithstanding the attention paid and research made by music anthropologists, they have failed to elevate the "non-western ethnic musics" to become universally communicative, and these ethnic musics were reborn as "global" and "world music," through the process of "acculturation," "derivation," and "hybridization," with the west as major site for production and consumption. Meanwhile, the audience for world music, which did not exist before the birth of world music as a term, was now born as world music emerged. They are global populace who consume the musical "difference" and "imagined ethnicity," who through their consumption are constructing new social meanings including ethnicity, race, nation, and class identity. This study, by examining current discourse, performance, and process for the world music through media and field studies and scholarly debates, attempts to understand the production and consumption of "imagined ethnicity." This will also shed light on how "ethnicity" is created and consumed, and how this is involved in the process of world music.