• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.27
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• pp.63-91
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• 2004

The purpose of this study is to investigate the gender discourse of Korean newspapers. For this, the study analyzes the frames of frames of crime news on Chosun Daily and Hangyurae Newspaper for 2 years. The data are collected using KINDS, and include 265 crime articles involving woman. According to the results of this research, the episodic frames are used in the most of crime news. The five frame devices are founded in the episodic frame articles; the male subjectivity and the female objectivity, the male-oriented perspectives which reporters have, the abused sexual details and sensationalism, the emphasis of women body's fragility which imply woman's unavoidability as victims, and finally, blaming women who are victims of crimes. And in the articles of thematic frames, the similar frame devices are found. In particular, they only emphasize the problem of crime and fail to suggest a concrete resolution. Finally, the study discusses the findings relating to the patriarchal news making convention and the commercialism of newspaper industry. The two newspapers have been pursuing quite different political lines in Korean society. It is generally considered that Hangyurae newspaper is progressive and Chosun Daily is conservative. However, this study reveals that the way dealt with women in the crime news are not different. It is concluded that Korean newspapers still produce the gender discourse based on male-centric perspective and patriarchal ideology.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.14 no.12
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• pp.463-470
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• 2016

This experimental research as media effect study explores the effect of the current documentary that deals with radioactive contamination widely spread by fukushima nuclear accident on political and social recognition of domestic audience. Proceeding studies about media effect dealt mainly with news contents of TV, newspaper and internet. However studies on the effect of current documentary as non news contents on audience that provide us with profound information by various subjects are very few. Especially it is difficult to find studies about disaster documentary dealing with radioactive contamination having much effect on global environment. Accordingly this research implemented experimental study to find out the effect of current documentary that deals with radioactive contamination by fukushima nuclear accident on political and social recognition of audience. This research found that subjects exposed to the current documentary considered outdated nuclear power plant more seriously, supporting the opposition party more positively, claiming shutdown of outdated nuclear power plant, and opposing additive construction of nuclear power plant than subjects not exposed to the current documentary.

• Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
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• v.8 no.6
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• pp.875-885
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• 2018

This study analyzed the major issues of the Candlelight Rally and Taegukgi Rally registered in news comments of the politics section of the portal site from October 24, 2016 to March 19, 2017. We examined the political recognition of the two rallies with the Named Entity Recognition. The main analytical items are the responsibility for impeachment, the subject and method of settlement, and other major issues. As a result of the analysis, the comments of the Candlelight Rally focused on the impeachment support and the legal penalties of the regime ministers, and insisted on resolving the political situation through the next election after impeachment. The comments of the Taegukgi Rally focused on the rejection of the impeachment to maintain the regime and insisted on rejecting the impeachment of the Constitutional Court. The conflicts between the group that supported Candlelight Rallis and the group that supported Taegukgi rallies are predicted to last at least for the time being (Park Geun-hye's trial period) after the presidential election. After the impeachment of the President and replacement of the regime this conflict will develop into the confrontation between the pursuit of liquidation and new politics and the attempt to influence the trial of Park Geun-hye. Therefore, the efforts to integrate society in the aftermath are necessary.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.4 no.3
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• pp.87-92
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• 2018

This paper aims to investigate political stances of news producers or news organizations by analyzing editorials from two Korean newspapers, Chosun Ilbo and the Hankyoreh, which are totally different in ideology, both qualitatively and quantitatively. In particular, the headlines from 16 editorials and 14 editorials from the two newspapers respectively published from May 28 to June 27 were analyzed in terms of political stances to a U.S-North Korea Summit. Moreover, two editorials published right after the U.S-North Summit were quantitatively analyzed within Martin and White (2005)'s framework. As a result, it was found that Chosun ilbo showed a negative stance to the summit by employing the 'feeling' factor within an attitude component most frequently, whereas the Hankyoreh was overwhelmingly positive toward the issue and the dialogue expansion factor within an engagement component is most frequently used to deliver its positive stance toward the issue.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.16
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• pp.136-167
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• 2001

본 논문은 1996년 노동법 개정을 둘러싼 노동계의 총파업에 대해 보수적 성향을 갖는 조선일보와 진보적 성향을 갖고 있던 한겨레가 어떠한 방식으로 이러한 쟁점을 재현하고 해석하는 지를 분석했다. 당시의 노동계 총파업은 내부적으로는 민주화에 따른 시민사회의 성숙과 외부적으로는 글로벌라이제이션에 따른 국가 간 경쟁의 가속화라는 두 가지 정치경제학적 요인이 교차하는 공간에서 일어났으며, 동시에 광범위한 국민적 지지를 확보한 파업으로 그 상징적 의미를 갖고 있다. 이와 같이 주요 사회적 쟁점에 대한 두 신문간의 차이를 분석하기 위해 질적 분석 방법인 서사분석(Narrative Analysis)과 양적 분석 방법인 조응분석(Correspondence Analysis)을 사용했다. 서사분석은 사건의 발생과 진행 그리고 결말 과정에서 대립되는 행위자의 상징적 담론을 분석함으로써 사회적 쟁점에 대한 신문사간의 뉴스보도의 차이점 또는 유사성을 구분할 수 있으며, 조응분석은 주요 쟁점에 대해 행위자들이 어떠한 방식으로 서로 연계되는 지를 파악함으로써 역동적으로 총파업에 대한 행위자들의 관계의 변화를 공간적으로 탐색할 수 있는 장점을 갖고 있다. 서사분석 결과, 두 신문은 각각 서로 다른 서사구조를 기반으로 주요 행위자의 담론적 기호를 정반대로 구성하고 있었다. 사건 발생 단계에서는, 두 신문이 각각 국가 경쟁력 강화와 노동전 보호를 중심적인 서사구조로 설정해 차이를 보였으며, 대통령 및 여당과 민주노총이 대립적인 행위자로 설정되었다. 사건의 발전 단계에서는, 총파업의 불법성과 적법성 문제에 대한 갈등을 기본 서사구조로 제시한 채, 노동계를 포함한 시민사회와 정부기관이 대립적인 행위자로 등장했다. 사건의 갈등 해소 단계에서는 문제 해결을 위한 방법으로 두 신문이 대통령과 야당 지도자간의 정치적 해결과 노동법 통과에 대한 위헌론 제기를 중심으로 한 노동단체들의 지속적인 연대를 중심 서사구조로 각각 제시했다. 이 시기에서 주요 행위자들의 대립관계는 종료되었다. 조응분석 결과, 사건 발생과 위기 고조 단계, 그리고 갈등 해소 단계등 모든 시기에서 두 신문의 주요 행위자 구성에 있어서 차이가 나타났다. 다시 말해, 조선일보는 기본적으로 총파업을 둘러싼 문제의 구성과 발전, 해소 과정에서 정당이나 대통령, 야당 지도자 등과 같은 정치관련 행위자를 강조하고 있었다. 반면에, 한겨레는 대체로 로든 사건진행 단계에서 노동 관련 단체들과 시민단체의 역동적인 연대와 활동에 초점을 맞추고 있는 것으로 나타났다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.187-197
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• 2022

This study examined the effects of game genre, news media with differing political ideologies, and game-related information sources on gamer issue participation by performing a hierarchical regression model, using an online survey on Korean gamers (N=1,362). As a result of the study, playing specific genres of games played a positive role in gamer issue participation. The group behavior or collective action for or against game regulation reported in the liberal/moderate media acted as a mobilization cue for readers and potentially encouraged gamers to take social action. But the conservative media, which used governmental organizations and interest groups as sources of information, had a negative impact on real-life participatory behavior. The biased journalism practice of the mass media on game-related social issues influenced gamers' social and political behavior through corrective action. This study is significant in empirically analyzing the relationship between political ideology, game genre, media use, and gamers' social participation. The current research suggests the improvement of game regulation policy and the need for theoretical and conceptual expansion of game research.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.67
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• pp.177-208
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• 2014

This study inquires how human interest news on society section of newspapers had been modulated as multi-layered political narratives that would consistently have Koreans consider, realize and question on colonial situation as well as ethnic identity. Under totalitarian censorship of the colonial government, newspapers could not publish reports on political issues and current affairs, so society page of human interest such as crime, accident, conflict, disaster, and many kinds of sufferings of peoples to death would take great public attention and consequently be considered as a substitute of political section. Society page had enjoyed its influence on formation of public opinion of the colonized ethnic society and had maintained cultural-nationalist position ever since the founding of newspaper in mother-tongue in 1920. In colonial context, there is nothing non-political to the lives of the colonized, social facts would be necessary and happen to be modulated into a narrative that could trigger nationalist sentiment. For this end, news reporting of society section usually concentrated on aspects of 'Les Mis${\acute{e}}$rqbles', dramatic quality, and psychological factors in detail. Narrative style of news reporting got used to modulate factual informations with a proper taste of exaggeration, emotional expression, and commercial touch of exciting words. Even in a case of death by drug abuse, news was written to indicate what made him/her drive to miserable death on street, that is, what is de facto reason of all of social problems like as migration, hunger, leaving home, crime, suicide, violence, gambling, love affairs to death, adultery, and even opium habit. Those social problems and personal sufferings appeared up on newspaper 3rd page at daily base. Readers could acknowledge and identify what the real matter that should be resolved and then blame colonialism, capitalism, and militarism for those social problems. Journalists put values on inciting the colonized to realize the national and ethnic situation and feel sympathy for their people tied up by a common destiny. In this terms, news on society section of newspaper under Colonial Occupation were encoded as narratives of politically layered text and then decoded as intriguing sentiments against colonial dominance. I argue that society page of newspaper of colonial period engaged in a sort of cultural politics of sentiment and emotion which is a private area outside of imperial sight.

• Journal of Internet Computing and Services
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.105-116
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• 2015

The Sewol ferry catastrophe that took place on April 16 2014 was unprecedented in terms of its sociopolitical implications, which had reverberated throughout the Korean nation. Mindful of such distinct characteristics of the Sewol ferry catastrophe, this thesis looks into the salience of the agendas portrayed in Twitter and Portal News coverage on the disaster and the correlation between the attribute-specific agendas of the foregoing mediums by making use of the agenda rank order correlation method. Extraction and analysis of big data revealed that first, while the hypothesis that there were little difference in terms of salience among the main agendas between Twitter and Portal News was dismissed, the rank order correlation proved to be high as regards the main agendas on Twitter and Portal News. This signifies that Twitter agendas exert influence over those on Portal News. Next, and regarding the five main agendas on the incident, there existed differences in salience between the attribute-specific agendas of the two mediums, with low figures for corresponding rank order correlations. Such results signify that Twitter and Portal News have little influence over each other as regards their agenda rank order correlation.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.80
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• pp.224-253
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• 2016

In this study, we analyzed the television news frames related to private school irregularities. Television broadcasting stations have not dealt with underlying problems of private school irregularities, but their reporting have been focused more on stating the situations. While Public announcing frame, Interference and solutions frame, Moral hazard frame and Protests and strikes frame have been applied in reporting, Autonomy highlighted frame and Publicity highlighted frame which are fundamental to the existence of private schools hardly appeared. In particular, the adhesion between private schools and political power has been continuously pointed out to be a cause of raising problems, whereas articles with such perspectives were hard to find. As a result, television broadcasting stations are required to change the way in reporting of private school irregularities in order for a lively discussion about them as the social agenda.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.55
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• pp.164-183
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• 2011

Technology innovation of digital convergence in recent years of the media sector has produced a series of significant changes in journalist labor. This study analyzes how recent introduction of convergent newsroom changed the nature of journalist labor and what strategy the management used to control journalists within the technologically innovated working condition with case of CBS. As the labor process theory tells us, the analysis found that technological innovation in the newsroom has encouraged a couple of aspects regarding labor process. First, losing control over their own labor journalists have undergone the process of significant deskilling. Second, the management have made a constant effort to introduce ideological and political apparatuses with twofold purposes, effective control over workers on one hand and concealing oppressive labor conditions on the other. The effort generated journalists' acceptance of new news-making routine and their consent on labor-management culture founded upon naive familism, which at last resulted in reinforcement of corporate power and isolation of labor society by separating internal labor market.