• Journal of Internet Computing and Services
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• v.21 no.6
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• pp.57-69
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• 2020

As more people share their opinions in online communities, such as Internet portals and social networking services, more opinions are manipulated for the benefit of particular individuals and groups. In particular, when manipulations occur for political purposes, they influence election results as well as government policies and the quality of life. This type of manipulation has targeted the general public, and their analysis and detection has also focused on such manipulation. However, to more efficiently spread propaganda, recent manipulations have targeted common interest groups(e.g., a group of those interested in real estate) and propagated information whose content and style are customized to those groups. This work characterizes such manipulations on common interest groups and proposes method to detect manipulations. To this end, we collected and analyzed opinions posted on 10 common interest groups before and after an election. As a result, we found that manipulations on common interest groups indeed occurred and were gradually increasing toward the election date. We also proposed a detection system that examines individual opinions, their authors, and their collaborators. Using the collected opinions, we demonstrated that the proposed system can accurately classify more than 90% of manipulated opinions and that many of these opinions were posted by multiple collaborators. We believe that regular audits of opinions using the proposed system can quickly isolate manipulations and decrease their impact. Moreover, the proposed features can be used to identify manipulations in domains other than politics.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.207-216
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• 2019

Unlike previous studies, which mainly analyzed factors affecting tourism motivation and tourism satisfaction, this study analyzes the political, economic and cultural factors affecting the number of Chinese tourists visiting Korea. Empirical results show that political factors such as the Chinese regime, the number of meetings and talks between Korea and China, the number of phone calls between the two countries, and the Korea-China FTA (also as a economic factor) have a significant impact on the number of Chinese tourists visiting Korea. In particular, political friendly variables related to economy (ex. Korea-China FTA) has been analyzed to have a more significant positive effect on the number of Chinese tourists to Korea than the factors that create friendly atmosphere only in the political field. In addition to political factors, economic factors such as the Korea-China FTA, and cultural factors such as Korean Wave represented by Korean cosmetics also have a significant impact on the number of Chinese tourists visiting Korea.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.43 no.1
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• pp.177-197
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• 2018

This paper aims to analyze the effects of external uncertainty on the entry modes decision of multinational firms. On the basic assumption that the entry modes of the firms are dependent on ex-ante or ex-post perceived risk, we empirically analyzed the impacts of perceived risk factors on the investment patterns of firms. We found that the larger the population, the higher the level of GDP per capita, and the larger the trade volume as a ratio of GDP resulted in increased M&A FDI and greenfield FDI. The economic growth rate variables were found to be significantly positive effect on only greenfield entry mode. Regarding the main variables, lower levels of corruption and increased stability regarding political issues resulted in the host country receiving increased M&A investment. However, we found only a positive statistical significance of the political stability variable on the explaining greenfield FDI. Results show that M&A entry mode is affected by both corruption and political instability level. However, the greenfield FDI featuring sunk costs, seems more responsive to political instability.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.135-170
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• 2018

The recent success of populist parties and candidates in the US and European countries leads to a massive amount of empirical research on populism, a deviant form of representative democracy. Much ink has been spilled to define populism and to identify the causes of its rise and continued success in democratic political system. However, little is known about populist attitudes of individual voters. Using a large-scale online survey fielded in the context of the South Korean presidential election in 2017, this study examines (1) what determines populist attitudes of South Korean voters and (2) how populist attitudes are associated with evaluations of political parties, candidates, and political issues. Statistical analysis reveals that people high on populism are more likely to support an underdog left-wing political party and its presidential candidate, and are less likely to support policies implemented or proposed under the auspices of the Park Geun-hye administration. These findings do not necessarily suggest the inherent affinity between populism and left-wing ideology; rather, it implies populist attitudes happened to appear in 2017, in reactions to lack of confidence in the previous government.

• Defense and Technology
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• no.5 s.171
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• pp.38-43
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• 1993

소비재의 자유무역은 이해 당사국의 경제적 관심에 영향을 미치지만 무기의 교역은 자칫하면 전 인류의 미래에 영향을 미칠수도 있는 매우 특수하면서도 정치에 민감한 제품입니다. 이런 점을 알면서도 러시아는 경제 회생을 위해 해외시장의 무기판매에 적극 나서고 있습니다. 이런 상황의 러시아 방산업체 동정과 최첨단 무기를 살펴보는 것도 의미있는 일이라 생각합니다

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.43-53
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• 2014

In this paper, we propose an ontology-based approach to measuring degree-of-interest in country by analyzing wikipedia usage data. First, we developed the degree-of-interest ontology called DOI ontology by extracting concept hierarchies from wikipedia categories. Second, we map the title of frequently edited articles into DOI ontology, and we measure degree-of-interest based on DOI ontology by analyzing wikipedia page views. Finally, we perform chi-square test of independence to figure out if interesting fields are independent or not by country. This approach shows interesting fields are closely related to each country, and provides degree of interests by country timely and flexibly as compared with conventional questionnaire survey analysis.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.3-22
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• 2011

The study of online social movements is basically concerned about the impact of the Internet on the existing social movements. More specifically, researchers have paid attention to changes in participants, leadership style and movement strategies caused by the Internet. Due to the Internet, networks of the individuals who are geographically scattered or a network of networks have emerged as new movement agents. Researchers have also analyzed a repertoire of collective action adopted by the online social movements. The increase in online social movements calls for a new interpretation of the existing social movement theories such as resource mobilization, collective identity and political opportunity structure. There are still a lot of debate about the impact of the internet on social movement and the resulting changes. Not only the early debate of cyber-optimism and cyber-scepticism, many studies done by the mid-range perspective also suggested different arguments on the impact of the Internet. This discrepancy comes from a relatively short history of online social movement study, which leads to a limited number of case studies and a shortage of date accumulations. In the future, researchers need to place more attention on the unique characteristics of different technologies and comparative studies of online social movements. The study should also extend its focus to a wide range of political systems in order to explain the impact of online social movements on political intermediary organizations and the democracy itself.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.26
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• pp.259-289
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• 2004

In this study, the use of mainstream online news site and alternative online news site were compared in the aspects of users' characteristics, attitude on online news sites, and using pattern. A survey was conducted for 182 mainstream-only users, 46 alternative online news users, and 47 both sites users, Also, their traffic data of online news sites were analyzed during the 16th presidential election. As a result, it was found that both sites users had the highest political interest and the most progressive political position among the user groups. In the aspect of users' attitude, mainstream-only users were most positive to the mainstream online news site and both sires users were most positive and more involved in alternative online news site. But all user groups set higher credibility on alternative online news site than mainstream online news sire. In the comparison of user size, mainstream online news site has larger user size than alternative online site. However, the user royalty, such as time per person, pages per person, and visiting days per person, was lower than that of the latter. These results suggest thar small but differentiated news sires have royal users, and online news users be segmented according to news contents.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.42 no.5
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• pp.691-709
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• 2007

This paper investigates the social and political construction of geographical scale in conjunction with Korean housing politics. Recently, attention has been drawn to the issue of the social and political construction of geographical scale. Spatial scales have increasingly been regarded as socially constructed and politically contested rather than ontologically pregiven or fixed. The scale literature has paid attention to how different spatial scales can be used or articulated in social movements, with an emphasis on 'up-scaling' and 'scales of activism' rather than 'down-scaling' and 'scales of regulation.' Furthermore, the scale literature has focused on the aspect of empowerment. However, it is worthwhile to examine how scale-especially 'down-scaling' and 'scales of regulation'-can be used not only for marginalizing or excluding unprivileged social groups, but also for controlling the (re)production of space, including housing space. Under a regulatory regime, the Korean central government gained more control over the (re)production of housing space at geographical multi-scales by means of 'jumping scales,' specifically 'down-scaling.' The Korean central government has increasingly obtained the capacity to 'jump scales' by using not only multiscalar strategies for housing developments, but also taking advantage of various scales of institutional networking among the central and local governments, quasi-governmental institutions, and Chaebols, across the state. Traditionally, scale has been regarded as an analytical spatial unit or category. However, scale can be seen as means of inclusion(and exclusion) and legitimation. Choosing institutions to include or exclude cannot be separated from the choices and range of spatial scale, and is closely connected to 'scale spatiality of politics.' Facilitating different forms of 'scales of regulation,' the Korean central government included Chaebols and upper- and middle-income groups for the legitimization of housing projects, but excluded local-scale grassroots organizations and unprivileged social groups as decision-makers.