• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.273-295
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• 2017

The Philippines in 2016 showed the highest GDP growth rate among Southeast Asian countries, in spite of domestic and international turbulence caused by the war on drugs and unexpected foreign policies after Duterte's presidency. The social contexts and political dynamics behind 'Duterte phenomenon' have raised key questions and issues to other countries including Korea, as to democracy and politics in current neoliberal challenges. The Philippines' choices for independent foreign policy and challenges against existing hegemony would continue to draw attention, particularly on whether this would end in an experiment of a country or initiate an alternative power block among neighboring countries and ASEAN communities.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.24_1
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• pp.145-208
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• 2014

아시아 국가들은 근대사에 들어 서양 제국주의와 식민지주의로 인해 정치·사회적 과도기를 경험하였다. 지역종교들도 이러한 영향에서 예외는 아니었는데 19-20세기에 나타난 신종교들이 그 좋은 사례들이다. 한국도 이러한 지구적인 현상에 포함되었다. 주변국들의 문화적 계몽주의와 조선왕조의 쇄국정책 사이의 정치적 혼란은 방향 감각 없는 국가적 위기를 초례했고, 정치·사회적 부패와 국가적 불안정은 중·하류층 시민들로 하여금 고통스러운 삶을 극복하기 위해 새로운 진리나 믿음을 찾게 동요하였다. 근대사에 근원을 둔 대순진리회는 한국에서 가장 영향력 있고 성공적인 신종교일 뿐 아니라 현대사회의 기존 종교들에게도 많은 도전을 주고 있다. 그렇다면 이 신종교운동의 근원은 어디에 있을까? 그들의 교리나 가르침은 어떤 것일까? 다른 신종교적 현상들과 어떻게 구별될까? 이 논문은 창시자인 강증산의 역사적인 출현과 업적을 "성취관념"에서 분석해 볼 뿐 아니라 대순진리회가 기존의 유교, 불교, 도교의 가르침을 단순히 혼합한 것이 아니라 음양합덕, 신인조화, 해원상생, 도통진경의 특유한 가르침들은 미륵사상, 천지공사, 인존사상과 함께 그들의 최고신인 구천상제가 후천세계를 위해 성취한 완전한 미션을 반영하는 창조적인 사상임을 논증할 것이다.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.502-523
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• 2010

A federal system speaks for a political system that the principle of the common sovereignty among the local governments is applied. The basic purpose of the system is to make institutional devices capable of striving for the mutual cooperation in a greater political unit, reflecting a minority race's right and demand by decentralizing a state authority into the individual region. The basic purpose for formation of a federal system is realized when a form for the supplement of political elite personnels has a autonomous nature by the subject of a federal structure. During from B.Yeltsin to V.Putin, a form for the supplement of political elite personnels into the local governments has changed by a political purpose of a central government, In company with this change, the character of federalism in Russia has been also changed. Accordingly, this study has treated a subject about how the political elite personnels of local assembly men, governors of a state, assemblymen of both Houses, and the president of Russia are suppled, and also how such a form for the supplement of political elite personnels has changed the character of federalism in Russia.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.5
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• pp.1-10
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• 2021

This study empirically confirmed 'the political bias of the YouTube recommendation algorithm' and 'the selective exposure of user' to verify the Filter Bubble phenomenon of YouTube. For the experiment, two new YouTube accounts were opened and each account was trained simultaneously in a conservative and a liberal account for a week, and the "Recommended" videos were collected from each account every two days. Subsequently, through the text mining method, the goal of the research was to investigate whether conservative videos are more recommended in a righties account or lefties videos are more recommended in a lefties account. And then, this study examined if users who consumed political news videos via YouTube showed "selective exposure" received selected information according to their political orientation through a survey. As a result of the Text Mining, conservative videos are more recommended in the righties account, and liberal videos are more recommended in the lefties account. Additionally, most of the videos recommended in the righties/lefties account dealt with politically biased topics, and the topics covered in each account showed markedly definitive differences. And about 77% of the respondents showed selective exposure.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.37
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• pp.307-334
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• 2014

Satirical cartoon features figure characters that liken to particular figures or social phenomenon to satirize particular figures or social phenomenon. Through the words and actions of figure characters in satirical carton, fraudulentact of man in power or irrational social phenomenon is revealed. The National Intelligence Service (NIS) female agent that is the figure character of this study has been appearing in satirical cartoon for a long time and it likens to social phenomenon instead of a actual figure. The reason why the NIS female agent has been appearing as a figure character in satirical cartoon for a long time is because related social phenomenon has not ended and is still in progress. In addition, the reason why it likens to social phenomenon instead of an actual figure is based on the fact that it is not easy to identify her face that has been hidden, which makes it difficult to exaggerate the characteristic of the figure. Her hidden face is also an expression of the desire to hide that is symbolized by baseball cap and muffler. Her hidden face and the desire to hide make it easy to substitute to other related figure or social phenomenon instead of actual figure. Namely, outward appearance of the NIS female agent has a good condition for combining 'added significance' in satirical cartoon. Irrelevant to actual NIS female agent, a satirical cartoon figure of NIS female agent is being combined with various meanings when needed and it is substituted as another figure, group or social phenomenon as the actual figure disappears. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to reveal the role of figure character in satirical cartoon by symbolically analyzing the figure character that appears in satirical cartoon as 'NIS female agent'. The followings were revealed through the symbolic analysis of figure character in satirical cartoon in this study. First, satirical cartoon satirizes social phenomenon. Figure character in satirical cartoon satirizes social phenomenon in place of actual figure. Second, satirical cartoon satirizes core or embarrassing area of irrational social phenomenon created by politics. Figure character in satirical cartoon satirizes core or embarrassing area of social phenomenon by revealing it in place of actual figure. Third, satirical cartoon sends a message of warning to a responsible person of irrational social phenomenon created by politics. Figure character in satirical cartoon sends a message of warning to responsible person of irrational social phenomenon created by politics in place of actual figure. Fourth, satirical cartoon provides catharsis for enduring wound or stress received by individual due to irrational social phenomenon created by politics. Figure character in satirical cartoon provides catharsis for enduring wound or stress received by individual due to irrational social phenomenon through satirizing and ridiculing actual figure.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.113-126
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• 1998

This paper examines the influence of and in the process of collection building in public libraries. These events resulted in depriving library workers of their voluntary spirit. And these events have also become a main cause of ideological prejudices as reflected in collection building.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.62 no.3
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• pp.141-162
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• 2010

This paper tries to provide empirical support for a formal model of social policy development which has been presented in a former paper of this study. In the direct democracy, median voter's social policy preference is critical because he is Condorcet winner in a pair-wise pure majority voting. But, in the more general setting, we should think of various political institutions as a collective choice device. For this reason, I draw a formal model which formulates three contrasting types of political institutions which are distinguished by the developments of political democracy and the differences of electoral rules. Comparative patterns of key variables which measure political institutions, social policy developments, and social policy preference provide support for my arguments. My empirical results suggest that three political institutions are associated with very different policy outcomes. Compared to other institutions, committee system entails more targeted subsidy, less universal benefit. On the contrary, proportional elections produce more universal benefit, less targeted subsidy.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.33
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• pp.193-225
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• 2006

This study attempts to reconsider the significance of political economy as a theory of knowledge and/or a method for explaining the convergence of broadcast and telecommunications. It is going to suggest what the domains of political economy should be in the future by both highlighting the characteristics and blind spots of previous studies and drawing some distinctive features of a new media environment. The principals and recent research trends in political economy are reviewed in order to make clear that the historical totality as a meta-framework of political economy needs to be reexamined in the era of convergence. Although the scope of political economy has been limited to criticize the structure of media ownerships, the study emphasizes the importance of media consumer theory. It also discusses the problems of free market theory, distortion of active media audience theory, and limitations and creative tension of audience commodity. Finally, this study stresses the significance of audience-oriented policies in order to make approach to practical sides of media politics.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.67-111
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• 2009

지난여름 베트남 남부의 호치민시와 인근의 공장지대는 전례 없는 파업의 확산을 경험했다. 연구자가 만난 한국기업의 매니저들은 이를 "파업의 도미노 현상"으로 묘사했다. 호치민시 노동조합의 고위간부는 "도이머이(Doi Moi) 이후 노사관계에 가장 혼란스러운 변화가 일어나고 있다"라고 단언하기도 했다. 본 연구는 한국계 다국적 공장을 사례로 1) 최근 파업의 정치경제학적 배경은 무엇인지를 살펴본 다음, 2) 왜 어떤 공장은 최근의 파업의 소용돌이 속에서 상대적으로 안전했던 반면 다른 기업은 그렇지 못했는지, 3) 왜 어떤 공장은 파업의 과정에서 협상을 성공적으로 이끈 반면 다른 기업은 그렇지 못했는지, 4) 최근의 파업이 개별 다국적 공장의 체제에 어떤 사회적, 문화적, 정치적 영향을 미쳤는지 살펴보고자 하였다. 연구자는 연구목적을 위하여 호치민 인근과 동나이에 위치한 약 20여개의 공장을 방문하였으며 서로 다른 특징을 가지고 있는 3개의 섬유공장을 선별하여 현지연구를 실시하였다. 이 가운데 첫 번째 공장은 연구자가 90년대 말 현지연구를 실시하여 공장체제의 성격을 잘 알고 있는 다국적 공장이었다. 나머지 두 공장은 재정 상황과 정치과정의 특징이 첫 번째 공장과 대조될 뿐 아니라 서로 다른 공장이었다. 세 공장을 비교 연구함으로써 연구자는 다국적 공장의 재정적 혹은 경제적 상태가 노동쟁의의 성격을 만드는 주요한 조건이 되지만, 회사의 경제적 조건이 양호하고 경영진이 온정주의적 철학을 실천하고 있다고 해서 파업을 미연에 방지할 수 없다는 점을 보여주고자 하였다. 호치민 인근의 파업이 크게는 세계적인 경제위기, 작게는 회사의 재정상태에 영향을 받고 있지만 특정 공장에서 노동쟁의가 일어나는가의 여부는 이 공장의 정치과정과 레짐의 성격에 의해 좌우된다는 점을 밝히고자 했다. 특히 다국적 공장의 정치과정의 안정을 위해서는 '매개자' 역할을 하는 베트남 중간간부, 사무실 직원, 노조간부 등의 역할이 매우 중요하였다. 이들이 위계적으로 그리고 사회문화적으로 다른 외국인 경영진과 공장 노동자의 갈등을 어떻게 흡수하고 중재하는가에 따라 공장체제의 안정 여부가 달려 있었다. 이번 파업은 각각 다른 정치경제적 조건을 가진 여러 공장의 경영진과 노동자가 이러한 사실을 새삼 깨닫게 하는 계기로 작용했다.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.147-169
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• 2004

The paper examines migration and settlement process of the Ulleung Island residents. On the theoretical side, this paper analyzes migration and settlement process of the Ulleung Island residents in relation with a social, cultural, and political phenomenon of that island. And on the methodological side analyzes this paper historical literatures and output materials of field work. In order to achieve the purpose of this study, this paper approaches the issue on three dimensions. First, this article pursues the movement course of the Ulleung Island residents in the early Gaecheokryoung era. Second, it follows up their settlement process. Third, it tries to find out the factors of the population increase and decrease. The findings are as follows: The factors of migration of Ulleung Island residents are following three - first, social and political motive, second, economical motive, and third, criminal motive. The immigrants with these motives have constituted a unique society on the Ulreung Island.