• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.11
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• pp.578-592
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• 2019

This study investigated the main effect and interaction effect of independent variables such as news fatigue, political sophistication, knowledge system of news, and news view on reflective news use and partisan news use. This study employed multiple regression analysis and Two way ANOVA. The positive relationship between news fatigue and critical news use strategies was found. Exploring the factors to news processing strategies, the study suggested the potential direction of news education.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.129-175
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• 2018

This paper examines asbestos activism in South Korea by focusing on the politics of knowledge between the asbestos activist group and regulatory agency on the risk of asbestos exposure. Asbestos activism has contributed to establishing asbestos pollution an important safety and public health agenda in South Korea. Asbestos pollution investigation is key to core argument of the activism that asbestos pollution is pervasive especially in urban environment and a serious environmental health problem with its worst consequences has not yet seen. A distinctive characteristic of such asbestos investigation is the use of "settled dust analysis," non-standard, non-legislated analysis method. In this paper, literary technologies used in asbestos investigation report written by activists and controversies over asbestos pollution measurement in Samsung's head office building. Asbestos activists successfully concentrated media's attention on their argument and mobilize resources needed to make policy decisions, by using settled dust analysis data. Regulatory agency and expert group, however, neither saw settled dust analysis nor activists argument persuasive enough to make policy changes, base on their evaluation on the use of standards and evidentiary context for analyzing measured data. While its explanatory power is partially acquired, through the dispute between asbestos activists and regulatory agencies unspoken assumptions of regulatory science was revealed and became the matter of social debate. Settled dust analysis captures the characteristic of asbestos analysis which combined social movement and science to challenge the regulatory agency and expert group.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.109-142
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• 2005

This paper aims to study international political orders and aviational orders since the second World War, to investigate the influences between the two orders, to connect them with the air transportation service agreement between Korea and USA, and to prospect international aviation orders in the future. The first international aviation order after the second World War is built up by international public goods under hegemonic stability theory in the realistic international order. Second order is a kind of cooperation system through the international institutions under the neo-liberalistic international order from the late of 1970s. Third order is the multiple cooperation through the shared epistemology, understanding, and knowledge under the international social constructivism from the 1990s. This paper prospects that international aviation order in the future will be developed through the multiple channels for the civilian users' conveniences and the openness for the users.

• Journal of the Korean Society for information Management
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.221-236
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• 2015

The purpose of this study is to analyze the research fields constituting the knowledge structure of the Korean Studies by applying hierarchical clustering method to domestic journal papers in Korean Studies. We analyzed 3,800 papers containing Korean author keyword that were listed in 14 kinds of Korean Studies journals published in 2004-2013, which have average impact factor more than 0.5 in 2011-2013. The results of the analysis show that the central research fields are the subjects related to political & social problems based on Confucian ideas focusing on Neo-Confucianism (Seonglihak) and Realist School of Confucianism (Silhak), to the political situation associated with territorial division of the Korean peninsula, and to the history from the period of japanese colonialism to modern and contemporary. It has been also found that the temporal backgrounds of researches in domestic Korean Studies were related to the modern times and the Joseon Dynasty periods, rather than the time of the ancient and contemporary.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.76-84
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• 2010

This study is to critically examine a variety of perspectives of seeing the interactions among space, people, and society. According to Tuan, place is a center of meaning constructed by people's experience, and its attributes consist of natural and built-up environments. Entrikin suggests a way of seeing place from a contrary perspective, that is, the subjective and existential sense of place and the objective and naturalistic conception of place. Lefebvre examines the historical transformation of social space through the dialectics among the perceived space, the conceived space, and the lived space. Social space is (re)produced and changed through the conflictual unit of the spatial triad. The project of Foucault's spatial metaphor is to tightly combine three critical concepts, power, knowledge, and space. Those concepts are not objectively existed regardless of specific times and spaces, but they are socially and culturally constructed through the networks of people under particular environments. In the following papers, it is needed to comparatively examine the various perspectives mentioned above to make a new conceptual framework of understanding the interactions among space, people, and society.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.113-126
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• 1998

This paper examines the influence of and in the process of collection building in public libraries. These events resulted in depriving library workers of their voluntary spirit. And these events have also become a main cause of ideological prejudices as reflected in collection building.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.145
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• pp.271-296
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• 2018

In this article, I intend to reveal critically both the intrinsic crux and main problems of the politics of hostile exclusion based on the effect of labeling which was designed precisely as an impure political technique and has been operated for too long in Korean society by the conservative ruling class that centered on various negative ideological labels like 'pro-North Korean leftist forces.' Firstly, what is called the 'conservative ruling class' in Korean society is in itself an antinationalistic and antidemocratic pro-Japanese dictatorship group. Secondly, the conservative ruling class as a pro-Japanese dictatorship group has utilized politically the labeling effect which regards antigovernment Korean members as pro-North Korean or rebellious persons. This group's hostile politics, based on the ideological labelling effect, deprives antigovernment persons and groups of the qualification of Korean citizenship, in order to hold and retain their supreme power in Korean society. Thirdly, the conservative ruling class has attempted to stigmatize the citizens who participate in a movement for democracy as a pro-North Korean leftist force, but such a politically impure manner is typically completely unjustified groundless labeling. Fourthly, the attempt to define the conservative ruling class as a pro-Japanese dictatorship force is normatively justified and resonably appraised insofar as such a definition has been proved to be worthy of confidence. Finally, the trial to consider Roh's regime and pro-Roh (pro-Moon) groups as a kind of Yeongnam hegemonism by several critical intellectuals and current politicians from Honam region is not only merely a groundless and unconvincing labelling, but also the failed outcome of the attempt to systemize logically their emotional antipathy and repulsion toward Roh and pro-Roh (pro-Moon) groups.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.26
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• pp.291-326
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• 2004

This study explores the process within which whereas the majority of Korean people agree on the principle of the unification policy, the opinions about the concrete policy alternatives related to the principle do not converge. To account for this phenomenon, a.k.a. 'the principle-policy puzzle in public opinion', this study constructs and tests a covariance structural model with the explanatory variables such as political knowledge, political ideology, authoritarian personality, social distance, and the evaluation of the president. In addition, the interaction effects of the interpretive frames regarding the unification policy and political knowledge along with the main effects of socio-demographic variables are tested to explain the degree to which people show the gap between the agreements on the unification principle and policy alternatives. A sample of 600 Seoul people are recruited to provide the data for the analysis of structural equation modeling. Ie was found that the proposed model receives empirical supports from the data. In particular, political knowledge and authoritarian personality play key roles in accounting for the complex process of public opinion in the 'principle-policy puzzle'. The findings were discussed in terms of the representations of the Engagement policy in the mass media and the public perception of them.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society for Environmental Edudation Conference
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• 2004.12a
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• pp.43-58
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• 2004

환경운동 10년의 결과 '생태적 감수성'이라는 '감성영역'이 새롭게 개발되고 보편화 되었으며, 녹색소비의 정신이 확산되고, '환경'은 늘 관심을 기울어야 하는 '문제영역'으로 설정될 수 있었다. 이는 환경교육에도 확산되어, 녹색소비 운동과 관리주의적 실천은 이제 보편화되었다. 지방정부에서 '의제21'을 채택하여 개발연대에 직강화된 '도시하천'의 생태적 복원이 활발하게 진행중이고, 초중고교의 '녹색화' 사업이 생태숲이나 생태연못 등등의 명칭하에 진행중이다. 한편 '환경교육진흥법'은 아직 계류중이긴 하나, 경기도와 같이 지방정부 수준에서 체험적 생태교육 시설을 정책적으로 확장해 나가고자 하는 흐름도 있다. 또한 1999년의 동강댐 반대투쟁, 2003년과 2004년의 새만금 저지투쟁과 부안항쟁을 거치면서 생명의 소중함에 대한 인식은 이제 '생명권' 개념의 확산을 앞두고 있을 정도로 보편화되고 있다. 그리고 이는 생태적 감수성을 함양하는 '체험 환경교육'의 보편화로 나타나고 있다. 하지만 교과교육으로서의 환경교육과 체험학습 영역의 환경교육은 '접점'을 찾지 못하고 있다. 한편으로 온 나라를 떠들썩하게 만드는 '환경갈등'에 대하여 그것의 '뿌리'를 완전히 뽑아내는 방식의 '재발 방지' 정치적 성과는 제대로 축적되고 있지 못하며, 환경교육은 '환경갈등'의 정치경제적 속성을 정면으로 응시하고 있지 못하다. 2004년의 환생교사업방향중 하나가 '사회적 실천'을 강조하는 흐름이었던 것은 바로 이와 같은 사정을 반영한다. '생태적 감수성'은 실천이라기 보다 안주와 '누림'의 영역으로 되기 십상이었기에 그러하며 실제로 상품화된 '생태기행'의 등장은 그런 맥락에서 이해된다. 그럼에도 이는 10년전 '군사문화'가 우리안에 살아있던 것에 비하면 분명 큰 진전이다. 군사훈련식의 수련활동이 생명과 생태에 대한 감수성을 일깨우는 '생태적 감수성' 함양으로 전환된 것이 단적인 경우이다. 이제 이러한 성과를 토대로 이후 학교환경교육 10년을 전망할 수 있어야 하겠다. 필자는 그 화두를 '환경정의'와 '생태적 합리성'에서 찾고자 한다. 생태적 감수성 키우기가 상업화 단계에 이를 정도로 보편화되었다면, 이를 바탕으로 '생태적 합리성'이라는 체계적인 지식교육을 거쳐서, '환경정의' 의식의 제고로 이어가고, 굵직한 '환경갈등'의 상황에서 뚜렷한 정치적 태도와 실천을 할 수 있는 '생태적 인간상'의 육성으로 나아갈 수 있어야 한다는 것이 필자의 생각이다. 이를 위해서는 어찌되었건 체험학습 영역에서는 환경현안에 대한 사회적 실천을 '교육 소재'로 삼을 수 있어야 하며, 교과학습 영역에서는 한국사회의 환경현안에 대한 정치경제적 접근을 외면하지 말고 교과서 저작의 소재로 삼을 수 있어야 하며, 이는 '환경관리주의'와 '녹색소비'에 머물러 있는 '환경 지식교육'과 실천을 한단계 진전시키는 작업으로 이어질 것이다. 이후 10년의 환경교육은 바로 '생태적 합리성'과 '환경정의'라는 두 '화두'에 터하여 세워져야 한다.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.107-144
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• 2012

Recently concerns on the energy future are rising in Korea after nuclear disaster of Fukushima in Japan last year. However, even after Fukushima disaster Korean government keeps on insisting nuclear oriented energy policy. Contrary to it, some of civil society's organizations(CSOs) including environment groups and progressive political parties are making strong voices for phase-out nuclear. As a way of phase-out nuclear activity researcher groups based on CSOs have presented several alternative energy scenarios against the official government scenario so that contest between the two senarios seems not to be avoided. This article aims to analyse the politics of expertise around energy scenarios in Korea by highlighting differences between two scenarios of government and CSOs in terms of epistemological and methodological base, value orientation, institutional foundation, and the socio-political contexts of scenarios. Our research shows that government's energy scenario is based on scientific-positivist epistemology, firm belief in value neutrality and forecasting method, and is built by neo-classical economists at government-sponsored research institutes in accordance with the 'Business As Usual' approach. In contrast, alternative scenarios of CSOs can be said to be based on epistemological constructivism, value oriented attitudes and backcasting method, and be built by collaboration of researchers and activists with different academic and social backgrounds after Fukushima nuclear disaster.